U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


CD3TE35573 


University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


AND    JUDGE    FOR  ;  YOURSELF. 

E    L    VALLANDTGHAM^S  RECORD! 

».  ________». 

ABOLITION     -AND     DISUNION. 


To  the  Democrats  and  other  loyal  Union 
men  of  the  Third  District,  who  have  ad- 
hered with  such  inflexible  firmness  to  Mr. 
VALLANDIGHAM  amidst  all  the  assaults  of 
his  enemies  for  years  past,  we  present  the 
following  UNION  AND  ANTI-ABOLITION 
RECORD,  so  that  they  may  see  that  their 
confidence  has  neither  been  ahused  nor 
misplaced. 


NO.   I. 

THE  WILMOT  PROVISO,  1847. 

The  present  evil  condition  of  the  coun- 
try began  more  directly  with  the  renewal 
of  the  "  Missouri  controversy,"  by  the  in- 
troduction of  the  "  WILMOT  PROVISO"  in 
the  summer  of  1846.  On  the  16th  of 
January,  1847,  HARRISON  G.  BLAKE,  now 
a,  Republican  member  of  Congress,  moved 
f>.  joint  resolution  in  the  Ohio  House  of 
Representatives,  requesting  our  Senators 
Representatives  to  vote  for 

"the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  territory 
of  Oregon,  and  a!?o  frooi  any  other  territory 
thht  now  is,  or  may  hereafter  he  annexed  to 
the  United  States."  '  .JubbftH1?  10  jhftft 


I 

»  an 


Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM,  then  a  member  of 
the  House  from  Columbiana  county,  moved 
that  it  be  laid  on  the  table,  which  motion 
prevailed.  On  the  18th  of  January,  it 
came  up  again,  and  again  on  motion  of 
Mr.  TRIMBLE,  of  Highland,  it  was  laid  on 
the  table,  Mr.  VALLANDIGAAM  voting  in  the 
affirmative.  On  the  21st  of  January  it 
was  brought  up  again,  and  after  a  long 
parliamentary  fight,  running  late  into  the 
night,  it  passed.  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  op- 
posed it  strongly.  [House  Journal,  1846 
-7,  pp.  241,  254,  288,  291,  295.]  Dar- 
ing the  struggle,  the  following  debate  took 
place,  which  we  transcribe  from  the  Ohio 
Statesman,  of  January  22,  1847  : 

Mr.  KLUSOX,  of  Brow u,  moved  to  add  these 
words : 

*'  Excepting  in  those  cases  where  the  wel- 
fare and  safety  of  THB  U.siow  may  otherwise 
require." 

Mr.  FRAXKUN  T.  BACCHUS,  of  .Cuyahoga, 
now  the  Republican  nominee  for  Supreme 
Judge,  moved  to  am  -nd  by  inserting  after  the 
word  "Union,"  the  words  "  in  the  opinioa  of 
the  chivalry." 

Mr.  VALLANDIQHAM  rose  and  began  bj  re- 
buking the  laughter  and  laughing  gentlemen,, 


tvud  asked    them    if  they  had    forgotten  the 
great   Missouri  Compromise  ?     That  compro- 


mise — 
now  (1847) 
in  1820. 
crs    felt 


-the  principl 
^47)  laughec 


e  of  concession  which  was 
ghed  at — had  saved  the  Union 
But  for  the  respect  which  our  fat  li- 
fer this  principle,  and  which  was 
then  manifested  by  none  more  worthily  than 
by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  this  Union  would  have 
then  been  dissolved.  Mr.  V.  declared  for 
himself  that  whenever  any  question  might 
arise,  involving  the  Union  in  the  alternative, 
he  would  go  with  his  might  on  that  side — 

OX  THE    SIDE    OF    THE     UNION,  "  NOW  AND  FOR- 
EVER,    ONE     AND     INSEPERABLE."      Would    any 

gentleman  relinquish  the  Union  rather  than 
tolerate  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  South? 
Mr.  BACKUS  also  believed  the  compromise 
(1820)  to  have  been  necessary  to  the  perpetu- 
ity of  the  Union.  But  such  an  issue  was  not 


between  the  exclusion  of  slavery  with  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union,  and  the  perpetuation  of 
the  Union  in  connection  with  that  institution, 
whether  he  would  prefer  to  go  for  dissolu- 
tion'? He  (Mr.  V.)  trusted  the'amendment 
would  carry  vithout  the  mutilation  proposed 
by  the  gentleman  from  Cuyahoga.  If  we 
were  to  throw  a  firebrand  toward  the  South 
— if  ice  must  needs  throw  down  the  gauntlet 
before  them,  in  the  shape  of  these  resolutions, 
they  should  at  least  be  so  shaped  so  AS  NOT 
TO  ENDANGER  THE  UNION;  they  should  by 
alt  means  be  put  in  such  a  guarded  form  as 
not  to  endanger  our  favored  institutions. 
Mr.  V.  felt  that  perhaps  he  had  been  too  much 
in  earnest  upon  this  question.  He  had  spo- 
ken from  impulse,  and  perhaps  with  too  much 
freedom  and  feeling,  because  he  felt  called' 
upon  as  a  patriot  and  citizen  to  resist  and 


likelv  again  to    occur.      The  slave    holding  \  expose  tvery  measure  which  might  work  incal- 
States  would  be  the  last  to  secede  and  dis-  \  cu table  mischief,  not  only  to  ourselves  but  to 
so-ve  the  Union.     With  what  face  could  gen- 1  generations  yet  unborn. 
tlemen   give   out  their    fears  on  this  subject, !      Mr.  BACKUS  moved  to  amend  the  first   reso 


when  they  remember  the  treatment  which 
John  Quincy  Adams  received  at  their  hands 
at  the  time  when  he  stood  up  in  Congress  fur 
41  considerate  and  rational  report  upon  A  PE- 
TITION TO  DISSOLVE  THE  Uxiox.  What  a  blus- 
ter they  made  and  how  they  were  going  to  ex- 
pel the  old  man  from  the  House  !  Mr.  B.  af- 
lirmed  again  that  we  had  all  been  deceived— 
the  slaveholders  themselves,  by  their  acts  had 
manifested  the  fact  that  the  very  salvation  of 
their  system  depends  upon  their  remaining  in 
the  Union.  We  had  heard  enough  of  these 
threats  to  know  how  to  regard  them. 

Mr.  VALI.A.NDIGHAM.  The  gentleman  says 
that  such  a  portentous  issue  as  that  involved 
in  the  Missouri  question,  v.-as  not  likely  again 
to  arise.  Let  him  not  lay  to  his  soul  that 
flattering  unction.  But  the  gentleman  from 
JS  o'er  familiar  with  this  talk  of 


B.j  resme< 


the  Union.     That  gentleman,  (Mr 
in  a  district  claiming  that  there 


now  existed  cause  fur  dissolving  the   I  man. 
He  belonged  to  the  district  of  JOSHUA  R.  Gu>- 
j8,  who  declared  of  them,  that  they   were 


lution  by  adding  thereto  the  following:  "And 
strenuously  to  resist  all  attempts  that  may 
hereafter  "be  made  to  introduce  into  this 
Union  any  new  State,  by  the  constitution  o/ 
which  slavery  is  not  forever  excluded  from 


motion 


the  territory  of  siich  State;  which 
was  lost,  veas  23,  nays  37  ;  among  the  yeas, 
Backus,  Blake,  W.  P.  Cutler,  &c;  among  the 
nays,  VALLAKDIGHAM,  &c. 


NO.  II. 

PETITIONS  TO  DISSOLVE  THE  UNION. 

At  the  same   session,  on    tbe  25th 


of 


DINGS 


dissolved  from  all  political  connexion  with 
the  Southern  States  on  account  of  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas.  But  the  mind  of  the  Hous<- 
was  not  to  be  drawn  off  from  this  question  by 
raising  a  dispute  whether  Mr.  CLAY  ever  acted 
as  MI  honest  man.  Tne  question  was  wheth- 
er Buch  an  exigency  as  that  developed  in  the 
Missouri  Question  may  not  happen  tigain. 
What  had  once  happened  might  happen 
again;  and  let  us  not  become  wise  above 
what  comes  to  us  as  the  lessons  of  the  past. 
The  gentleman  from  Cnyahoga  had  not  :ni- 
.swered  the  question,  "if  he  were  to  decide 


January,  1847,  in  tbe  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, 

"  Mr.  TRUESDALE,  of  Tru.r.ibntl,  presented 
the  memorial  of  38  inhabitantsof  Lowell  and 
vicinity  in  relation  to  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
and  asking  the  Legislature  to  DECLARE  THE 
UNION  DISSOLVED,  audio  withdraw  our  Sena- 
tors and  Representative*  in  Congress.  ^ 

Mr.  TRDESDAI.E  moved  that  said  petition  be 
laid  upon  the  table. 

Mr.  SMITH,  of  Hamilton^  moved  that  said 
petition  be  rejected ; 

Upon  which  motion  fcihe  yeas  and  nays  being 
demanded  and  ordered,  resulted — yeas  41, 
nays  24.— House  Journal  1B46— 7,  p.  ;/.  321. 

Among  the  affirmatives — for  rejection — 
were  VALLANDIGHAM  and  every  other  Dem- 
ocrat in  the  House  except  one,  and  several 
Whigs  :  those  who  voted  for  the  petition 
were:  Beatty,  Bennett,  Blake,  Breck, 
Clark  of  Franklin,  Cotton,  Harsh,  Hib- 


,  Hogue,  Horton,  Johnston,  Kiler, 
Matthews,  Moore,  McGrew,  Owen,  Park, 
Poor,  Potter,  Tallman,  Truesdale,  White, 
Wilson,  and  the  Speaker,  Wm.  P.  Cutler. 

We  venture  to  say  that  nearly  every 
man  among  these  twenty-four,  if  alive,  is 
to-day  supporting  the  Republican  party. 

Again,  at  the  same  session,  on  the  1st 
clay  of  Fehruary,  1847,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives 

Mr.  HOGUE  presented  the  petition  of  Lot 
Holmes  and  59  other  citizens  of  Pairfield 
township,  Columbiana  county,  asking  as  a 
consequence  of  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
that  the  Legislature  may  DECLARE  THE  UNION 
DISSOLVED,  and  the  recall  of  our  Senators  and 
Representatives  in  Congress. 

Mr.  HOGUE  moved  to  lay  said  petition  on 
the  table. 

Mr.  SMITH,  of  Hamilton,  moved  that  said 
petition  be  rejected ; 

Upon  which  motion  the  yeas  and  nays  being 
demanded  and  ordered,  resulted — yeas  33, 
nays  21."  [House  Journal,  1840—7,  p.  428. 

Among  the  yeas,  for  rejection,  were 
VALLANDIGHAM  and  every  other  Democrat 
in  the  House,  and  several  Whigs  :  among 
the  nays  were  the  same  members  as  upon 
the  former  vote  with  two  or  three  excep- 
tions, and  the  additional  names  of  Back- 
us, Franklin  Corwin,  Curtiss,  and  Trim- 
ble, of  Muskingum. 

It  is  noticeable  that  the  Ohio  "  Seces- 
sionists" of  1847,  proposed  to  dissolve 
the  Union  by  a  simple  act  of  the  Legisla- 
ture ;  while  the  Secessionists  of  the  South 
in  1861,  insist  that  it  can  only  be  done  by 
a  "  Sovereign  Convention  of  the  People." 

Thus  by  the  record  it  is  proved  that  Mr. 
VALLANDIGHAM  began  his  political  life  as 
AN  ANTI-ABOLITION,  UNION  DEMOCRAT, 
and  the  sequel  will  show  that  he  is  the 
same  to-day. 

NO.  111. 

ON  THE  MEXICAN  WAR,  1846^7 . 

On  the  15th  of  December,  1846,  in  the 
Ohio  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  VAL- 


LA NDiGHAM  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tions, which  he  supported  in  two  speeches, 
boldly  advocating  the  "  vigorous  prosecu- 
tion "  of  that  foreign  war  to  an  honorable- 
peace : 

<:  That  the  present  war   with  Mexico,  how- 
ever much  to  be  lamented,   is  a  war  justifia- 
ble and  necessary — a  war  forced  upon  the  U- 
nited  States  by  repeated   and  long  standing 
injuries;  by  wanton  outrages   committed  on 
the  property  and  persons  of  our  citizens  and 
upon  the    officers    and    flap:    of  the    United 
!  States;  by  insult  to    thov*  Government  and 
;  people,  both  recent  and    in  years  past,   of  a 
i  wanton  and  aggravated  character,  on  the  part 
I  of  Mexico,  and  ot%  her  accredited  agents  ;  by 
!  unnecessary  and  deceitful  delays  in    conseut- 
j  ing  to  make  reparation ;  by   deliberate,   con- 
!  tinned  and  perfidious  violation  of  treaties  sol- 
i  emnly  ratified  after  years  of  repeated,  and  till 
then,  unavailing  application    for  redress;  by 
subsequent  refusals  to  treat  for  adjustment  of 
difficulties   or  even  to  receive  the  Minister  of 
the  United  States  twice  sent ;  and  finally  by 
invading  the  territory  of  one  of  the  States  of 
this  Union,  attacking  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  and  shedding  the  blood  of  onv  follow- 
eitizens  on  their  own  soil. 

That  the  War  thus  brought  about  and  com- 
menced by  the  aggressions  and  act  of  Mexico 
herself,  having  been  recognized  by  Congress 
according  to  the  forms  of  the  Constitution  is 
a  Constitutional  War,  and  a  war  of  the 
whole  people  of  tho  United  States  begun  (on 
our  part)  and  carried  on  in  pursuance  oj  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Union. 

That  this  General  Assembly  has  full  confi- 
dence in  the  wisdom  and  the  ability  of  the 
Executive  of  the  United  States  to  prosecute 
the  war  to  a  successful  an-.l  speedy  termina- 
tion by  AX  HONORABLE:  PEACK;  and  that  we 
hereby  tender  the  cordial  sympathies  and^sup- 
portof  this  Commonwealth,  to  the  said  Exec- 
utive in  the  further  prosecution  of  tho  war." 
These  resolutions  were  smothered  in 


committee,   and    never   received 
Whig  vote. 


Dingle 


NO.  IV. 

AS  EDITOR  OF  THE  DAYTON  EMPIRE. 

On  the   2d  of    September,    1847,  Mr. 
VALLANPIGHAM  assumed  the  editorial  con- 
trol of  the  "  Dayton  EMPIRE."     The  fol 
lowing  k  an  extract  from  Ins   •<  Introduc- 
tory Address  :" 

••We  will  supnon  the  CONSTITUTION  oa  -IHK 


4 


STATES  in  its  whole  integrity  as  it 
came  to  us  from  "  the  Fathers'"  believing  it  to 
establish,  in  principle,  the  very  best  fovm  of 
government  which*  the  wisdom  ot  man  ever 
devised. 

We  will  protect  and  defend  according  to 
our  opportunities  and  abilities  THE  UNION  OF 
THESE  STATES  as  in  very  deed  the  u  Paladium 
of  our  political  prosperity,"  "the  only  rock  of 
our  safety,"  less  sacred  only  than  liberty 
herself;  and  we  will  pander  to  the  sectional 
prejudices,  or  the  fanaticism,  or  wounded 
pride,  or  disappointed  ambition,  of  no  man 
or  set  of  men,  whereby  that  Union  shall  be 
put  in  jeopardy.'1 

"  To  the  present  Administration  (JAMES  K. 
FOLK'S)  we  will  lend  that  support  (whatev- 
er it  is  worth)  which  an  honest,  independent 
man  may  and  ought  to  extend  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  party  to  which  he  belongs.  A- 
bove  all  and  to  the  very  uttermost  of  our 
energy,  and  abilities,  we  will  defend  and  sup- 
port it  in  the  war  note  waged  against  Mexico, 
till  it  shall  have  been  terminated  by  AN  HOX- 

OEABLE    PEACE." 

1849. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  1849,  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM'S  connection  with  the  EMPIRE 
terminated.  In  his  "  Valedictory  "  is  the 
following.  Referring  to  the  principles  an- 
nounced by  him  in  his  Introductory,  he 


"  We  would  stand  or  fall  by  them  now  as 
then,  and  throughout  life.  Of  the  vital  im- 
portance to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country 
in  general,  and  the  Democratic  party  in  par- 
ticular, of  two,  in  an  especial  manner,  to 
these  principles,  every  hour  has  added  to  our 
deep  conviction.  And  we  would  unite  them 
as  in  the  rock,  upon  the  heartsof  our  friends 
forever. 

First,  that  which  is  really  and  most  valua- 
le  in  our  American  liberties,  depends  upon 
he  preservation  and  vigor,  of  THE  UNION  OF 
THESE  STATES;  and  that   therefore,    all  and 
every  agitation  in  one  section,  necessarily  gen- 
erating counter  agitation  in  the  other,  ought 
from    what    quarter  so  ever  it  may  come, 
by  every  patriot  and  well  wisher  of  his   coun- 
try, to  be  "  indignantly  frowned  upon"  and  ar- 
rested ere  it  be  "too  late." 

Happy  for  the  whole  country,  Men  of 
the  Third  District,  would  it  not  have  been, 
if  this  warning  had  been  heeded  in  time  ? 


NO.  Y. 
1850.  [  <•**&»!# 

On  the  19th  of  October,  1850,  a  public 
meeting  was  held  in  the  City  Hall,  Day- 
ton, Ohio,  to  denounce  the  "  Compromise 
Measures"  of  1850.  John  Howard  pre- 
sided ;  W.  C.  Howells  (now  of  the  Ash- 
tabula  Sentinel)  was  secretary  ;  and  Dan- 
iel A.  Haynes,  chairman  of  the  committee 
on  resolutions.  The  following  is  one  of 
the  resolutions  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  whichf  could 
be  so  far  frightened  from  its  propriety,  by  the 
insolent  bluster  and  bravado  of  a  few  slave- 
holders, as  to  pass  an  act  (the  Fugitive  Slave 
Act)  so  fraught  with  injustice,  and  so  odious, 
deserves  the  rebuke  of  the  people  of  these 
United  States." 

From  the  official  proceedings  we  quote 
the  following : 

UC.  L.  VALLANDIGHAM,  Esq,  replied  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  resolutions  and  in  favor  of  the 
compromise  policy,  which  gave  birth  to  the 
law.  JOHN  G.  LOWE,  Esq.  spoke  in  favor  of 
certain  amendments  which  he  offered  to  the 
resolutions,  in  which  he  objected  to  the  style 
of  the  resolutions,  but  concurred  in  the  end 
which  they  proposed." 

From  the  Dayton  Journal  (Whig)  edi- 
torial, we  quote  the  following  : 

UC.  L.  VALLANDJGHAM,  Esq.  followed  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  resolutions.  His  speech  was  in- 
genious and  eloquent.  His  objection  to  the 
course  proposed  by  the  resolutions  u as,  that 
it  would  lead  to  further  agitation,  and  TEND 

TO  ENDANGER    THE    UNION." 

The  EMPIRE,  then  under  charge  of  Col. 
D.  G.  FITCH,  notices  Mr.  VALLAXDIGHAH'B 
speech  as  follows  : 

"C.  L.  VALLANDJGHAM,  Esq. — The  speech  of 
this  gentleman  a<  the  meeting  on  Saturday 
night,  is  universally  spoken  of  as  a  most  elo- 
quent and  patriotic  effort ;  and  the  positions 
he  took  in  favor  of  such  measures  as  would 
tend  to  restrain  undue  excitement  and  agita- 
tion rather  than  increase;  them,  cannot  but 
receive  the  approbation  of  every  cool  and  re- 
flecting mind. 

His  remarks  were  calm,  dignified  and  appro- 
priate. He  strongly  deprecated  every  new  at- 
tempt to  inflame  the  public  mind,  while  he 
enforced  in  strains  of  lofty  and  impas- 
sioned eloquence  the  duty  af  every  good 

Kb*. 


obnerve  and  -maintain  ike  sanction 
of  law  as  the  only  way  to  secure  the  peace, 
order  and  happiness  of  society  any  where. 
The  sentiments  he  uttered  were  warm  IT  and 
enthusiastically  Applauded  at  the  time  and  are 
such,  we  doubt  not,  as  will  be  .approved  and 
sustained  by  our  citizens  generally." 

THE  SECOND  "COMPROMISE  MEETINc." 

On  the  26th  of  October,  1850,  a  very 
large  meeting  composed  of  (lie  first  citi- 
zens of  Dayton,  assembled  at  the  City 
Hall.  Alexander  Grimes  presided  ;  Dr. 
Jolin  ^teel,  Richard  Clrec'ii.  James  Mc- 
Daniel,  and  others,  were  vi-o-pre-idonts, 
and  1).  A.  Honk  and  Joseph  (T.  Crane, 
secretaries.  Judge  Craiu1.  unabh'  irom 
disea-e.  to  attend,  addressed  an  able  and 
patriotic  letter  to  the  meeting.  Mr.  YAL- 
LAXDKJHAM,  laying  a>ide  all  party  preju- 
dice, came  forward  to  the  cordial  support 
of  the  Whig  President,  Millard  Fillmore, 
and  his  Administration,  and  acied  as  chair- 
man of  the  committee  on  revolutions,  ap- 
pointed on  motion  of  Major  Luther  Gid- 
ding>,  aiivl  consisting  of  £.  Vf.  l)avi«-s. 
D.  C;.  Fitch,  1).  Z.  Pi-iv-.  Thomas  J.  S. 
Smith,  Jonathan  Harshnum.  Alexander 
H.  Mimu,  and  'Daniel  Richmond:  The 
meeting  was  addressed  by  George  W 
Honk.  Davies.  Smith  and  others.  From 
the  committee,  Mr.  Y'Ai.LAM.KnrAM  report- 
cd  the  following  resolutions.  In  the  first 
will  be  found  the  counterpart  of  the  now 
celebrated  motto  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  which  Mr.  V.  accepts  as  his  sole  plat- 
form :  •'  The  Constitution  ".y  if  is,  and  the 
Union  as  it  was." 

1.  That  we  are Jor  the  Union  a*  it  is  and 
the  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  that  we  will  pre- 
serve,   maintain    and  defend   both   at  every 
hazzard,  observing  with  scrupulous    and  un- 
calculating  fidelity,  every  article,  requirement 
and  compromise    of  the    constitutional  com- 
pact between  these  states,  to  the  letter  and  in 
its  utmost  spirit,  and  recognizing  no  ''higher 
law '  between  which  and   the  Constitution  we 
know  of  any  conflict 

2.  That  the  Constitution  was  "  the  result  of 
a  spirit  of  amity  and  of  that  mutual  deference 
and  concession  which  the    peculiarity   of  our 


',  political  situatian    rendered    indispensable,"" 
j  that  by  amity,  conciliation    and    compromise 
i  alone  can  it  and  the  Union  which  it  establish- 
1  ed.  be  preserved;  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all 
i  good  citizens  to  frown  indignantly  upoa  every 
!  attempt,  wheresoever  or  by  whomsoever  made, 
•  to  array  one  section  of  the  Union  against  the 
other  ;  "to  foment  jealousies   and  heart  burn- 
ings between  them,  by  systematic  and. organi- 
zed misrepresentation,    denunciation  and  ca- 
lumny, and  thereby,  to  render  them  in  feeling 
and  affection  the  inheritors  of  so  noble  a  com- 
i  mon  patrimony  purchased  by  our  fathers  at  so 
|  great  expense  of  blood  and  treasure. 

3.  That  as  the  friends  of  peace  and  concord 
— as  lovers  of  the    Union,    and    foes,  sworn, 
upon  the  horns  of  the  altar  of    our  common 
country,  to  all  \vho  seek   and  all  that  tends  to 
its  dissolution,  we  have   viewed  with  anxiety 
and  alarm  the  perilous  crisis  brought  upon  us 
by  years  of  ceaseless  and  persevering  .agita- 

'  tion  of  the  slavery  question  in  its  various 
forms:  and  that  the  Executive  and  Congress 
!  of  the  United  States  have  deserved  well  of 
j  the  Republic,  for  their  pntriotic  efforts  so  to 
I  compromise  and  adjust  this  vexed  question, 
j  as  to  leave  no  good  cause  for  clamor,  or  of- 
1  fensc  by  any  portion  of  the  Union. 

4.  That  a  strict  adherence  in  all  its    parte, 
to  the  compromise  thus    deliberately  and  sol- 
emnly effected,  is  essential  to  the  restoration 
and  maintenance  of  peace,  harmony  and  fra- 
ternal affection  between  the  different  sections 
of  the  Union,  and  thereby  to  the  preservation 
of  the  Union  itself  and  that  GOOD  FAITH    im- 
peratively demands    that    adherence    at    the 
hands  of  all   good    citizens    whether    of  the 
North  or  of  the  South. 

;">.  That,  believing  this  compromise  the  very 
best  which  in  view  of  the-  circumstances  and 
temper  of  the  times,  could  have  been  attained, 
we  are  for  it  as  it  is,  and  opposed  to  all  agita- 
tion looking  to  d.  repeal  or  essential  modifica- 
tion of  any'of  its  parts,  and  that  we  will  lend 
no  aid  or  comfort  to  those  who  for  any  pur- 
pose, seek  further  to  agitate  and  embroil  the 
country  upon  these  questions. 

6.  That  "  all  obstruttions  to  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  all  combinations  and  associa- 
tions, under  whatever  plausible  character, 
with  the  real  design  to  direct,  control,  coun- 
teract or  awe  the  regular  deliberation  and 
action  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are  de- 
structive of  the  fundamental  principle  of  our 
nstitutions  and  of  fatal  tendency'';  that  all 
such  efforts  whereves  made  or  by  whomsoever 
advised,  find  no  answering  sympathy  in  our 
jreasts — nothing  but  loathing  and  contempt 
— and  that  we  hereby  pledge  ourselves  to  the 
country,  that  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  the 


THK  CONST  IT  rn  ox  AN 
shall  be  maintained." 


TUX  LAW*,  must  and',  iu  all  that  time,  not  one  convert  has  it  made 
in  the  South:  not  one  slave  emancipated,  ex 
eept  by  larceny  and  in  fraud  of  the  solemn 
compacts  of  the  Constitution.  Meantime 
public  opinion  has  wholly,  radically  changed 
in  the  South.  The  South  has  ceased  to  de- 
nounce, ceased  to  condemn  slavery;  ceased 
even  to  palliate  and  begun  now  almost  as  one 


No.  VI. 

In  1852  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  was  first 
j*tit  la  nomination  by  the  Denioenu-y  of 
Che  Thiii!  District  of  Ohio,  composed  of 

the  eo-uuhi's  of  Montgomery.  Butler,  and  j  man,  to  defend  it  as  a  great  moral,  social  and 
i'rcble.  Hi*  competitor  was  Hon.  Lewis  i  -political  blessing.  The  bitter  and  prescriptive 
<»  /,  warfare  of  twenty  vears.  lias  brought  forth  its 

1».  baiYipM..  Jufet  after  the  election,  oninatnral  uml  legitimate  fruit  in  the  South. 
nie  1.4th  of  October,  18512,  th?  (\Mitral  !  Exasperation,  hate  and  revenge  are  every  day 

Committee  of  (he  old    Libeitv    I-'avtv.    or  |  np^j'^  i»to  fullest  maturity    and    strength: 

i  and  throughout  her  entire  ox  tent,  she  await.s 
I'ree  Democracy  as  they  styled  themselves,  j  now  but  the  action   of  the  North,  to  unite  in 


that  year  supported  John  1'.  Hale 
George  W.  »hili:iii  for  President  ami 
-P resident,  Issued  a  circular  IVom 
which  we  copy  the  following  extract.  It 
may  be  regarded  as  testimony  of  ui\wil-| 
.ling-  and  hostile  witnesses.  The  commit 


•lernn  league  and  covenant  t<> 
on  even  unto  blood." 


resist  aggrea- 


'' 1  know  well  indeed,  Mr.  President,  that  in 
the  evil  day  which  has  befallen  us,  all  this  and 
he  who  utters  it,  shall  be  denounced  as  "  pro- 
slavery  :"  and   already    from    ribald  throats, 
l"|  there  comes  up  the  slavering,   driveling,  idiot 
it- i  epithet  of  "dough-face.'1     Ajrain,    be    it 


.ling  and  nostile  witnesses.      I  he  commit-  j  epithet  of  "dough-face.'1     Agftrn,    be    it   so. 

•  tee  which  signed  the  circular,  consisted  of  |The!e  Abolition^,  are  your  only  weapons  of 
A  T»  TT  ii  Av-Mf  j  warfare  :  and  i  hurl  them  back  dehantly  into 

A.  it.  11.  1-olkertli,  J).  H.  Bruen,  \\illuwi  j  Y0ur  teetn>  j  speak  lhus  bol(jlvi  because  I 


•McFadden,  and  Adams  Jevvctt : — 


|  your  teeth.     1    speak 

speak  in  and  to  and    for    the    North.     It  is 
time  that  the  truth    should    be    known,    and 

"In  oppos.tipnto  Mr.   Campbell,  the  be-  j  hcard>  iu  lhis  a^oftrimmino-  and  subterfuge, 
.iiiocratie  party  had  nominated  C.  L.  \AI.LAS-  |  j        al,  this  da^not  asft  northern  man    nor  a 
I.IUHAM,  alawyer   of  luoh  standing,   an    e  o-  j  soutuem  man;-  but?  God  be  thanked,  atill  as 
.<juent  and  ready  debater,   of  gentleniamy  de-  j  a  USITEI*  STATKS  MAX.  WITH  UNMTED  STATUS 
.portinent  and  unblemished  private  character,  ]  pa,Kcipr.Es:-and  though    the  worst    happen 
and  unhnucr  mdustry  and  energy.     l,ut   he  j  whieh  f,au  happen— though  all  be  lost,  if  that 
was  known  to  all  to  be  an  ultra  pro-slavery    snali  be  our  fate  ;  and  1  walk  through  the  val- 
ley of  the    shadow  of  political    death,  I  will 
live  by  them  and  die  by  them.     If  lo  love  my 
•ountry ;  to  cherish  the  Union  ;  to  revere  the 
Constitution:  if  to  abhor    the    madness  and 
hate  the  treason  which  would  lift  up  a  sacrile- 
gious hand  against  either:  if  to  read  that  in 


energy 
an  ultra 

man,"  (anti-abolitionist),  "  and  he  undertook 
with  a  relish  to  carry  the  load  of  the  COMIMIO- 
MISE  MEASURES,  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in- 
cluded, and  he  broke  down  under  the  burden." 


NO.  VII. 

•DEMOCRATIC  MEETING— lSo5. 

Oa  the  29th  of  October,  1855,  a  Dem- 
ocratic meeting  was  held  in  the  City  Hall, 
and  addressed  by  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  at 
length.  'The  resolutions  of  the  "  Com- 
promise meeting  "  of  1850,  were  re-affirm- 
ed. Mr.  V.'s  speech  on  the  occasion,  is 
regarded  as  the  most  valuable  and  impor- 
tant of  his  life.  Of  it  we  will  only  say 
that  what  was  then  prophecy  is  now  his- 
tory. The  following  live  extracts  : 

"  All  this,  gentlemen,  the  spirit  of  Abolition 
has  accomplished  in  twenty  years  of  continu- 
ed awd  exhaustinjr  labors  of  every  sort.  But 


the  past,  to|behold  it  in  the  present,  to  foresee 
it  in  the  future  of  this  land,  which  is  of  more 
value  to  us  and  the  world  for  ages  to  come, 
than  the  multiplied  millions  who  have  inhabit- 
ed Africa  from  the  creation  to  this  day: — if 
this  is  \.o\)& pro-slavery,  then  in  every  nerye, 
fibre,  vein,  bone,  tendon,  joint  and  ligament, 
from  the  topmost  hair  of  the  head  to  the  last 
extremity  of  the  foot,  I  am  all  over  and  alto- 
gether a "PBO-SLAVEBY  MAX. 

"  The  true  and  only  question  now  before  you 
is  whether  you  will  have  Union  with  all  it? 
numberless  blessings  in  the  past,  present,  and 
future :  or  Disunion  and  Civil  War,  with  al 
the  multiplied  crimes,  miseries  and  atrocities 
which  human  imagination  never  conceived 
and  human  pen  never  can  portray. 

I  speak  it  boldly  :  T  avow  it  publicly  :— it  i) 


time  to  speak  thus;  for  political  cowardice  iai 
the  bane  of  this,  as  of  all  other  republics.  Toj 
be  true  to  our  great  mission  and  to  succeed  in 
it,  you  must  take  open,  manly,  one-aided 
ground  upon  the  Abolition  question.  In  no 
other  way  can  you  now  conquer.  Let  ua 
•have,  then,  no  hollow  compromise;  no  idle 
And  mistimed  homilies  upon  the  sin  and  evil 
of  slavery,  in  a  crisis  like  this ;  no  double- 
tongued,  Janus-faced,  delphic  responses  at 
your  State  Conventions.  Ne:  fling  your  ban- 
ner to  the  breeze,  and  boldly  meet  the  issue: 
PATRIOTISM  ABOVE  MOCK  PHILANTHROPY  :  THE 
CONSTITUTION  BEFORE  ANY  MISCALLED  HIGHER 
LAW  OF  MORALS  OR  RELIGION'  J  AND  THK  UNION 
OF  MORE  VALUE  THAN  MANY  Xl-:fJROE.S. 
If  thus,  sir,  we  are  true  to  the  country 


true  to  the  Union  and  the  Constitution ;  true 
to  our  principles,  true  to  our  cause  and  to  the 
grand  mission  which  lies  before  us,  we  shall 
turnback  yet,  the  fiery  torrent  which  is  bear- 


And  further  asserting  that 

u  A  high  and  sacred  duty,  devolved  with  in- 
creased responsibility  upon  the  Democratic 
party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of  the 
Union  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of 
every  State,  snd  thereby;  the  Union  of  the 
States." 

In  this  same  campaign,  1856,  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM  was  again  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  Congress.  It  was 
the  year  in  which  at  Republican,  meetings 
in  some  parts  of  the  country,  flags  with, 
but  sixteen  stars,  were  carried.  The  de- 
fense of  the  Union  was  the  burden  of  every 
Democratic  speech  ;  on  every  flag  borne  at 
Democratic  meetings  or  hoisted  on  hickory 
poles  throughout  the  District,  were  thirty  - 


ed.  But  if  in  this  day  of  our  trial,  we  are 
found  false  to  all  of  these ;  false  to  our  a«ces- 
tors ;  false  to  ourselves ;  false  to  those  who 
shall  come  after  us ;  traitors  to  our  country 
and  to  the  hopes  of  free  government  through- 
out the  globe ;  Bancroft  will  yet  write  the  last 
sad  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  American 
Republic." 

Of  this  speech  the  Dayton  Journal  (Re- 
publican) said  : 

"The  principal  demonstration  of  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM  was  against  fanaticism  and  sec- 
tionalism; and  here  much  that  he  said  was 
just  to  the  point.  He  was  anxious  to  meet  and 
repel  every  attempt  to  make  the  existence  of 
slavery  in  the  South,  or  elsewhere,  a  pretext 
for  the  formation  vf  sectional  parties  which 
must  J:\-DANGRR  " 
ONION.' 


ing  us  headlong  down   the  abyss  of  disunion  {  one  8tars  representing  all  the  States,  North 
and  infamy,  deeper  than  plummet  ever  sound-        ,  c,       , 

and  ho  nth,  and  the  inscription 

"  VALL.  AND  THE  UNION." 

This  was  the  Democratic  countersign  and 
battle-cry  during  the  campaign.  The  elec- 
tion resulted  in  a  contest  at  Washington, 
which  was  decided  in  Mr.  V.'s  favor. 

THE  OHIO   REBELLION— 1857. 

In  the  year  1857,  the  deputies  of  the 
United  States  Marshal  for  the  Southern 
District  of  Ohio,  were  resisted  in  the  exe- 
cution of  regular  judicial  writs  issued  un- 
der the  Fugitive  Slave  Act.  They  were 
pursued  by  an  armed  body  of  men  more 
than  fifty  in  number,  from  Champaign 
county,  through  Clarke  into  Greene,  and 
there  overpowered  and  their  prisoners  res- 
cued. They  were  also  themselves  arrested 
on  State  process.  To  discharge  them 
from  imprisonment,  a  habeas  corpus  was 
issued  by  Judge  Leavitt,  of  the  United 
States  District  Court,  It  was  heard  at 
Cincinnati  on  the  25th  of  June,  1857. 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  now  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  but  then  the  Governor  of  Ohio, 
sent  the  Attorney  General  of  the  State, 
C.  P.  Wolcott,  now  Assistant  Secretary 
of  War,  to  argue  against  their  discharge. 
Vlr.  VALLANDIGHAM,  along  with  Mr.  Pugh 


THK       PERPETUITY     OF     THE 


NO.  VIII. 

A  CANDIDATE  IN  1856.     > 

In  1856  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  was  a  Sen- 
atorial delegate  to  the  "Cincinnati  Con- 
vention," and  the  member  from  Ohio  on 
the  committee  on  resolutions  which  report- 
ed the  Platform  denouncing  the  Abolition 
agitation  as  having 

"  An  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the 
aappiness  of  the  people,  and  endanger  the 
stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  not  to 
be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  politi- 
cal institutions;" 


8 


and    Mr,    Stanley    Matthews,    argued    the 
case   for   the  Marshals.     Maintaining   the 
vital  do -trine  of  State  Rlfjhta  to  their  full- 
Ct'Vnt,  Mr.  V.  asserted  and  upheld  the 
absolute  supremacy  of  the  Federal  author- 
ity  wiiltin    its    constitutional    Ihuirs.      He 
also,  denpi  meed    Abolitionism    and    -'per-; 
Nona]  liberty  bills"  [n  lungua-!'  M-V-TC  in-' 
<^<'d  bni    most  just.     Til;-    following   are 
extracts  from  his  argument  : 

-iu-ht  ypasv.  also,  ihi-    -    a 
(>h:o  lily,  freely,  (•>-,,,  •  ]  in 

neighb0riy  i  uftTCQU/sp.  with  h  •  -Mtcs 

fl~d    r!Yv ••'. -.i-si  -:.     Without    Slavery    in    h<;r 
.;iwi  ;'n: .':'  -.  .-!K-  "i'narrOl  a  'id  wa<'    : 

no  war  with  those  who  h.id.    Slavs  : 

.  ai.d    were    aUvays , 
pcaceabiv  and  quietly,  anil  oftentimes  \vi; 
officer  or  warrant,  recaptured  and    veumidrd.  i 
Ohio  ho  .-soli'  not  many  years  ago.  volunteered 

gent,  and  o-rtainly  more  odious,  than  the  no\v 
accursed  act  o(   18,"f>.      But.  times  h-iv  chanJ 
^d,  fcocT we  are  changed    with    them       Men*  | 
wise  apovv  what  is    written— wiser    th.-.u 
fathers,  u:  -\\  of  more  capacity  and  a  wisdom  : 
and  sagne;:y  more  than  ordinary — more  than  • 
human,  or  of  intellects  narrowed  and  becloud 
ed  by  ignorance,  and  fanaticism,  or    seduced  ! 
by  a  corrupt  and  most  wicked  ambiti >n   have 
discovered  thut'the  roiKlitutionjLs   all  \\ 
and  it  its  all    wrong,  or,    rather,   tlmr 

there  i.s  a  higher  law  than  the  Constitution.  ' 
and  that  discord  is  piety  and  sedition  patriot- 
ism. They  have  resolved  to  annul  and  set  ai 
naught  an  important  and  most  essent'.al  ]>art 
of  the  Constitution  and  its  compacts;  and  to 
compel  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
to  succumb  to  their  resolves,  or  to  bring  the 
authorities  of  the  State  and  of  the  Union  into 
deadly  and  most  destructive  conflict/' 

"  I  concur  with  the  Attorney-general  in  all 
that  he  has  said  of  the  vast  importance  of  thc 
case  now  and  hereafter,  and  the  more  espe- 
cially if  the  menaces  which  he,  the  law  officer 
of  the  State  and  her  representative  in  this 
forum,  has  seen  fit  to  more  than  insinuate  in 
case  of  an  adverse  decision  by  this  tribunal, 
are,  in  the  hour  of  madness,  to  be  carried  out 
by  her  authorities  as  they  are  now  constitu- 
ted. But  I  am  confident  that  this  Court  is 
prepared — that  the  whole  Government  of  the 
United  States  is  prepared.  And  I  tell  Mr. 
Attorn ey-grn era  1,  arid  through  him  the  Execu- 
tive of  the  State,  whose  vain  defiance  he  has 
this  day  borne  here  to  this  presence,  that  it  is 
not  to  be  awed  by  threats,  not  to  be  put  down 


by  denunciation,  nor  to  be  turned  aside  from 
its  linn  purposes  to  enforce  its  laws  and  the 
process  of  its  courts,  in  any  event,  at  all  haz- 
ards, and  without  respect  to  persons  or  to 
State-;,  whether  those  States  bo  Rhode  fslan-' 


Nn.  IX. 

IJtiS  RECORD  IX  COSMlf.ss. 
On  tho  iJoth  of  May,  1  S~>8,  Mr.  VAL- 
MM«-;imi  was  admitted  to  a  seat  in  the 
1  of  Eepresentative.s  ;  and  soon  after 
adjourned.  At  the  subsequent, 
session  of  lSf)S-!».  ],..  replied  to  and  iv- 
iuicil  n  charge  made  by  a  Southern  mem- 
i >••!•.  of  having  voted  for  the  repeal  of  the 
••  !>iaclc  Laws  "  of  Ohio.  Me  spoke  also 
upon  the  tariff,  on  the  :24th  of  February, 
1  Sol),  and  in  the  eoursc  of  the  .speech  re- 
'''.•nvd  to  Ohio  and  the  \Vest  as  follows  £ 

••  Sir.  ir  is  my  good  fortune  to  represent,  in 
part,  an  agricuhnrai  State,  and  especially  an 
agricultural  district.  \W  have  two  'million* 
and  mo:v-  of  consumers,  and  a  vast  multitude 
of  producers,  and  it'  uieiv  nra-t  be,  and  T 
think  there  ought  to  'I'?,  at  ati  earlv.  but  <if 
time,  a  revision  of  the  tarifl'  uj'ion  just  princi- 
ples of  taxation,  and  for  the  purposes  of  rev- 
enue afrer  a  reduction  of  expenditures  to  the 
lowest  rational  point.  I  demand  that,  in  ad- 
justing it,  vou  shaii  regard  th"  interests  of 

,    .  ,,^ 


Uillo   ; 

And  yet.    <)hioi<  a  •  great  Mis- 

sissippi valley,  that  most  \vv*:iderfti]  of  all  the 
portions  of  the  globe,  the  very  Garden  of 
Eden  in  the  new  creation  in  the  political  apoc- 
alypse of  the  Bishop  of  Cloyne,  "time's  no- 
blest empire''  the  seat,  too,  doubtless  of  em- 
pires older  than  Thebes,  prouder  than  Tyre, 
nobler  than  Nineveh,  but  whose  memorials 
have  perished  even  beyond  ruins  or  tradition; 
yet  destined  once  again  to  become  the  seat  of 
an  empire  to  which  you,  ye  proud  men  and 
wise  men  of  the  East  will  yet  come,  bearing 
your  frankincense  and  your  tribute.  But  I 
rose,  not,  sir,  to  descant  upon  the  opening  ghv 
ries  of  the  West.  I  was  speaking  of  my  own 
State  and  of  her  agricultural  greatness.  Nor 
will  I  abate  one  jot  or  tittle  from  her  manu 
facturing  interest,  for  she  is  rich  in  all  that 
constitutes  a  State." 

THE  "JOHN  BROWN  RAID"— 1850. 

Returning  from  a  visit  to  Washington 
City  in  October,  1859,  it  was  Mr.  VAL- 
LAWWOHAM'S  ill-fortune  to  witness  the  first 


bhedding  of  blood  in  the  great  quarrel  be- 
tween the  North  and  the  South.  Passing 
through  Harper's  Ferry  a  few  hours  after 
the  capture  of  '•  old  Ossawattamie  Brown/' 
he  saw  that  "first  martyr"  and  asked 
him  a  few  questions  about  the  raid  and  its 
purpose,  which,  being  duly  reported,  with 
the  answers,  in  the  New  York  Herald, 
Mr.  V.  was  very  nearly  as  persistently  and 
bitterly  assailed  and  abused  for  it,  by  the 
Abolition  orators  and  press,  as  he  has  been 
for  the  past  sixteen  months. 

THE  STORMY  SESSION  OF  1868-CO. 

The  session  of  1859-60  was  the  most 
violent  and  belligerent  ever  held  by  the 
American  Congress.  It  opened  with  the 
fierce  and  protracted  struggle  for  Speaker. 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  an  endorser  of 
the  infamous  "  Helper  Book,"  which* 
along  with  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  and 
other  similar  works,  contributed  so  much 
to  bring  about  the  present  civil  war,  was 
the  nominee  oi'  the  Republican  caucus. 
After  two  months  of  trial  and  discomfiture 
they  were  compelled  to  threw  him  over- 
board and  take  up  a  "  conservative  "  not 
tainted  with  "  Helperism."  During  the 
stormy  debates  Mr.  VALLANDIGAHM  spoke 
at  length  on  the  state  of  the  country  and 
for  the  Union.  An  attempt  was  made  by 
the  Republican  members  to  break  him 
down  in  the  beginning  of  his  speech ;  but 
it  signally  failed.  The  speech  is  entitled 


Revolution  and  the  end  of  the  war  of  1812, 
are  both  yours ;  and  there  is  no  power  on 
earth  that  can  subdue  or  conquer  you. 

But,  while  I  have  no  respect  for  southern 
rights  simply  because  they  are  southern 
rights,  I  have  a  very  tender  and  most  pro- 
found and  penetrating  regard  for  my  own 
obligations.  Your  rights  impose  upon  me 
corresponding  obligations,  which  shall  be  ful- 


filled in  their  spirit  and    to    the 
three  fifths   rule,  fugitive    slave 


very 
law, 


letter: 
equal 


rights  in  the  Territories,  and  whatsoever  else 


the    Constitution    gives    you. 
Our  fathers  made  that  compact 
yield  a  cordial,  ready,  and  not  g 


[Applause.[ 
and   I    will 
•udjzing:  obe- 


dience to  every  part,  of  it. 

I  have  heard  it  sometimes  said — it  was  said 
here  two  years  ago;  not  on  this  floor,  cejr-, 
tainly,  but  elsewhere — that  there  is  no  man 
from  the  free  State?,  North  or  West,  who  is 
"  true  to  the  South."  Well,  gentlemen,  that 
depends  upon  what  you  moan  by  being  true 
to  the  South.  '  If  you  mean  that  WP  the  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  free  States  of  this  Union, 
North  and  West,  shall  sit  here  within  this 
Chamber,  uttering  southern  sentiments,  con- 
sulting southern  interests,  sustaining 
southern  institutions,  and  giving  south- 
ern vote?,  reckless  of  our  own  identity 
and  our  own  self  respect,  then  I  never  was, 
am  not  now,  and  never  will,  while  the  Repre- 


sentative   of  a  free 
South;"  and  I  thank 


State,    be 
God    for  it. 


'true   to  the 
If  that  be 


what  is  meant  by  "rottenness,"  in  the  other 
end  of  tha  Capitol,  commend  me  to  rottenness 
all  the  days  of  my  life. 

"Then,  Sir,  I  am  not  a  northern  man;  nor 
yet  a  southern  man  ;  but  I  .im  a  M'KSTEHN 
MAN,  by  birth,  in  habit,  by  education:  and  al- 
though still  a  United  States  man  with  United 
States  principles,  yet  within  and  subordinate 
to  the  Constitution,  am  wholly  devoted  to 
western  interests.  I  proclaimed  it  upon  this 
floor  one  year  ago;  and  now  congratulate  my- 
self a r,d  the  West  in  having  found  so  able. 


"  There  is  a  West :  For  the    Union  For-   and  eloquent  a  coadjutor  in  the  person  of  the 

ever:    Outside  of  the  Union,  for  herself. ''\%Bi™e™*^*eni]?™*n*™m   nthe^.seventh 
__.,...  •  \  district  of  Ohio.     [MR.   CORWIN,]     Sir,  I  am 

Phe  following  are  extracts  from  it :  Of  and  from  the  West  the  great  valley  of  the 

Mr.  Clerk,  I  have  heard  a  good  deal  said,  'Mississippi;  of  the  free  States  of  that  valley 
here  and  elsewhere,  about  "southern  rights/'  I  seated  in  queenlj  majesty  at  the  bead  of  the 
Sir,  1  have  no  respect — none — none — for  basin  of  that  mighty  river;  vet  one  in  interest, 
southern  rights  merely  because  they  are  and  one  by  the  bonds  of  nature,  stronger 
southern  rights.  They  are  yours,  gentlemen,  i  than  hooks  of  steel,  with  every  other  State  in 
not  mine.  Maintain  them  h^re  within  the  that  valley,  full  as  it  is,  of  population  and 
Union,  {irmly,  fearlessly,  boldly,  quietly:  do  !  riches,  and  exultant  now  in  the  hour  of  her 
it  like  men.  Defend  them  here  and  every-  •  approaching  dominion.  Seat  yourself,  deni- 
where,  and  with  all  the  means  in  your  power,  ]  zeri  of  the  sterile  and  narrow  but  beautiful 
aa  I  know  you  will  and  as  I  know  you  can.  jhil'sp.nd  valleys  of  New  England,  and  you, 
Yorktown|and  New  Orlean?,  the  end  of  the  'too,  of  the  great  cities  of  the  North,  whose 


10 


geography  and  travel  are  circumscribed  by 
the  limits  of  a  street  railroad;  seat  yourselves 
upon  the  summit  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  be- 
hold spread  out  before  you  a  country  stretch 
ing  from  the  Alleghany  to  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains— from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Cana- 
da frontier — with  limitless  plains,  boundless 
forests,  fifteen  States,  a  hundred  rivers,  ten 
thousand  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  and 
twelve  millions  of  people.  Such  a  vision  no 
man  ever  saw;  no,  not  even  Adam,  when,  in 
the  newness  and  grandeur  of  God-made  man- 
hood, he  stood  upon  the  topmost  hill  of  Para- 
dise and  looked  down  upon  a  whole  hemis- 
phere of  the  yet  unpeopled  world.  That,  sir, 
is  my  country;  if  I  may  speak  it  without  pro- 
fanity, God's  own  country;  yet,  in  this  war  of 
sections,  I  am  of  the  free  States  of  that  val- 
ley." 

"Then,  sir,  I  am  against  disunion.  I  find 
no  more  pleasure  in  a  southern  disunionist 
than  in  a  northern  or  western  disunionist. 
Do  not  tell  me  that  you  of  the  South  have  an 
apology  in  the  events  and  developments  of 
the  last  few  months.  I  know  you  have.  But 
will  you  secede  now?  Will  you  break  up  the 
union  of  these  States?  Will  you  bring  down 
forever,  in  one  promiscuous  ruin,  the  columns 
and  pillars  of  this  magnificent  temple  of  lib- 
erty, which  our  fathers  reared  at  so  great  a 
cost  of  blood  arid  treasure?  Wait  a  little! 
Let  us  try  again  the  peaceful;  the  ordinary, 
the  constitutional  means  for  the  redress  or 
grievances.  Let  us  resort  once  more  to  the 
ballot-box.  Let  us  try  yet  again  that  weap- 
on, surer  set  and  better  than  the  bayonet.. 

Mr.  Clerk,  I  am  not  perhaps,  so  hopeful 
of  the  final  result  as  some  other  men;  but  I 
was  taught  in  my  boyhood  that  noblest  of  all 
Roman  maxims — never  to  despair  of  the  Re- 
public. I  was  taught  too,  by  pious  lips,  a  yet 
higher  and  holier  doctrine  still — a  firm  belief 
in  a  superintending  Providence  which  gov- 
erns in  the  affairs  of  men.  I  do  believe 
that  God,  in  bis  infinite  goodness,  has  foreor- 
dained for  this  land  a  higher,  mightier,  nobler 
destiny  than  for  any  other  country  since  the 
world  began;  Times  noblest  empire  is  the 
last.  From  the  Arctic  ocean  to  the  Isthmus 
of  Darien;  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Alleghe- 
nies:  stretching  far  and  wide  over  the  vast 
basin  of  the  Mississippi,  scaling  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  lost  at  last  in  the  blue  waters 
of  the  Pacific,  I  behold,  in  holy  and  patriotic 
vision,  ONE  UNION,  ONE  CONSTITUTION,  ONE 
DESTINY.  [Applause.]  But  this  grand  and 
magnificent  destiny  cannot  be  fulfilled  by  us, 
except  as  a  united  people.  Clouds  and  dark- 
ness, indeed,  rest  now  over  us;  we  are  in  the 
midst  of  perils;  rocks  and  quicksands  are  be- 


fore us;  strife  and  discord  are  all  around  us. 
Kow  then,  sir — mighty  and  momentous  ques- 
tion, pregnant  with  the  fate  of  an  empire^— 
shall  we  bring  peace  to  this  divided  and  dis- 
tracted country?  Sir,  in  my  deliberate  and 
most  solemn  judgment,  there  is  but  one  way 
of  escape:  and  that  the  immediate,  absolute, 
unconditional  disbandonment  of  this  sectional, 
anti-slavery,  Republican  party  of  yours.  [Ap- 
plause in  the  galleries.]  If  not,  then  upon 
your  heads,  and  upon  the  heads  of  your  chil- 
dren, be  the  blood  of  this  Republic.  You 
have  organized  a  political  party,  based  upon 
geographical  discriminations,  and  for  the  pur- 
pose of  administering  this  Government  for 
the  benefit  of  a  part.  You  have  neither 
strength,  nor  organization,  nor  existence 
even,  in  one  half,  nearly,  of  the  States  of  this 
Union.  Look  around  you.  Behold  upon 
this  side  of  the  House  every  section  repre- 
sented. Here  are  the  United  States.  What 
do  we  see  upon  the  left  side  of  this  Chamber? 
Not  one  solitary  Representative  of  your  faith 
or  party  from  fifteen  States  of  this  Union. 
What  does  all  this  mean?  It  never  was  so  be- 
fore in  the  history  of  the  Republic.  What 
does  it  all  tend  to?  Sir;  there  died  not  many 
years  ago,  in  New  England,  a  man  whom  you 
all  once  idolized  as  approaching  a  little  nearer 
in  intellect  to  our  notions  of  divinity  than 
most  men  in  any  age.  Died,  did  I  say?  No, 
he  "  still  lives;"  lives  in  history,  lives  in  the 
public  records,  lives  in  his  published  works, 
lives  in  his  public  services,  lives  upon  canvass 
and  in  marble  and  in  bronze.  Seven  years 
a^o,  he  wrote  to  a  citizen  of  his  native  State: 

°"  There  are  in  New  Hampshire  many  per- 
sons who  call  themselves  Whigs,  who  are  no 

Whigs  at  all;  and  no  better  than  disunion- 
ists.  Any'man  who  HESITATES  in  granting 
and  securing  to  every  part  of  the  country  its 
just  and  constitutional  rights  is  AN  ENEMY  TO 

THE    WHOLE    COUNTRY." 

During  the  same  session  Mr.  V  ALLAN  - 
DIGRAM  introduced  a  bill  which  he  support- 
ed in  a  speech,  for  arming  the  militia  of 
the  United  States. 

SUPPRESSING  NEWSPAPERS  IN  THE  POST  OF- 
FICE. 

In  December,  1859,  a  Post  Master  in 
Hardy  county,  Virginia,  having  suppressed 
the  "Religious  Telescope,"  of  Dayton,  <X 
at  his  office  as  an  Abolition  paper,  Mr. 
VALLANDIGHAM,  at  the  request  of  the  edi- 
tor, addressed  a  letter  to  the  Post  Office 
Department  remonstrating  against  the  act. 


11 


The  Virginia  Post  Master  was  immediate- 
ly commanded  to  obey  the  law,  and  the 
Telescope  had  no  further  trouble.  The  fol- 
lowing is  an  extract  from  Mr.  V.'s  letter: 

"They,  at  least,  whom  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent,  have  always  obeyed  and  respected, 
and  ever  will  respect  and  obey,  every  require- 
ment and  obligation  of  tbe  (Constitutional  com- 
pact. The  vast  majority  of  them  certainly, 
regard  none  of  its  obligations  and  require- 
ments as  either  odious  or  onerous ;  and  they 
ask  only  that  their  rights  also  under  that  com- 
pact, shall  be  in  like  manner  and  fully  protect- 
ed and  enjoyed." 

Publishing  the  correspondence,  the  Re- 
ligious Telescope  said: 

'•  We  thank  Mr.  Vallancligham,  and  our 
rt.-'ders.  especially  those  in  Virginia,  Ken- 
tcn  !  v-  Tennessee,  and  other  slave  States,  will 
thai  k  him,  for  the  prompt  attention  which  he 
has  >;ivpn  to  this  matter." 

Sti hugely,  indeed,  have  times  altered  ! 
Jfow  it  is  regarded  as  the  first  duty  of  the 
Post  Office  Department,  under  Republican 
rule,  to  prohibit  the  transmission  of  Dem- 
ocratic newspapers  through  the  mails,  as 
"disloyal  !" 

NO.  X. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1800. 

On  the  19th  of  May,  1860,  Mr.  VAL- 
I.ANIHOHAM  returned  home  on  a  brief  visit 
from  Washington,  and  addressed  the  peo- 
ple in  front  of  the  Court  House.  The  fol- 
lowing are  extracts  from  the  speech  : 

"  He  was  not  for  the  North,  nor  for  the 
South,  but  for  the  whole  country ;  and  yet  in 
a-conflic*.  of  sectional  interests  he  was  for 
THE  WFST  all  the  time.  In  a  little  while — 
ever;  fifter  the  present  year,  men  east  of  the 
mountains  would  learn  that  there  was  a  West, 
which  to  them  has  heretofore  been  an  "  undis- 
covered country."  He  hoped  fervently  to 
see  the  day  when  we  should  hear  no  more  oj 
sections:  but  as  long  as  men  elsewhere  de- 
manded a  "  united  North,"  and  a  "  united 
South, 's  he  wanted  to  see  a  "  united  West." 
Still  the  "  United  States"  was  a  better  term, 
more  patriotic ;  more  Constitutional  and  more 
glorious  than  any  of  them  " 

Referring  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  "  irrepressi- 
ble conflict"  speech  of  1858, 

*'  Mr.  V.  proceeded  for  some  time   to  de- 


nounce the  sentiment  of  the  speech  in  a  vehe- 
ment and  impassioned  manner* as  revolution- 
ary, disorganizing,  subversive  of  the  govera- 
ment  and  ending  necessarily  in  disunion. 
Our  fathers  had  founded  a  government  ex- 
pressly upon  the  compatibility  and  harmony 
of  a  Union  of  States  ''part  slave  and  part 
free,"  and  whoever  affirmed  the  contrary,  laid 
the  axe  at  the  very  root  of  the  Union." 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1860,  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM  returned  home  from  Congress, 
and  again  addressed  the  people  in  front  of 
the  Court  House.  The  following  is  an  ex- 
tract from  the  speech: 

"There  are  now  two  extreme  sectional  par- 
ties. Six  years  ago  the  Abolition  sentiment 
of  the  free  States  culminated  in  the  Republi- 
can organization.  In  the  course  of  t'me  it  has 
brought  forth  its  natural  and  inevitable 
fruit,  in  the  organization,  especially  in  the 
Gulf  or  Cotton  States,  of  an  extreme  South- 
ern or  pro  slavery  party,  the  offspring  but  the 
very  antipode  of  the  Republican  party.  If 
either  of  these  is  suffered  to  prevaiUAe  Union 
is  at  an  end.  Even  now  it  is  in  peril  from 
mere  conflict  between  them.  But  the  death 
of  the  parent  will  be  the  death  of  the  child. 
Kill  the  Northern  and  Western  anti-slavery 
organization,  the  Republican  party,  and  the 
extreme  Southern  pro-slavery,  "fire-eating"  or- 
ganization of  the  Cotton  States,  will  expire  in 
three  months.  Continue  the  Republican  par- 
ty— above  all,  put  it  into  power,  and  the  an- 
tagonism will  grow  tilt  the  whole  South  will 
become  aunit.  It  is  our  mission  here  in  Ohio, 
as  one  of  the  free  States,  to  conquer  and 
crush  out  Northern  and  Western  sectionalism, 
as  this  is  the  especial  enemy  in  our  midst." 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1860,  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDiaHAM  addressed  the  Democracy  of 
Detroit,  Michigan.  The  following  is  an 
extract : 

14  For  twenty  years  the  country  has  been 
agitated  by  this  subject  of  slavery.  Men  of 
the  North  and  West  have  been  taught  to  hale 
the  men  of  the  South,  and  Southerners  have 
been  taught  to  hate  the  men  of  the  North  and 
We.st.  This  northern  sectionalism  and  fanat- 
icism has  been  approaching  nearer  and.  nearer 
to  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  while  the  South- 
ern fanaticism,  starting  in  the  Cotton  States, 
has  be>>n  creeping  northwardly,  until  the  two 
faction.-',  have  nearly  met.  What  will  be  the 
inevitable  result  of  the  conflict  that  must  en- 
sue? They  must  meet  if  the  floods  of  fanati- 
cism be  not  cheeked.  When  they  meet  on  the 
plains  of  Southern  Illinois,  Indiana  and  Ohio,, 


12 


how  lonpr,  in  God's  name,  can  the  country  en- 
dure? Human  nature  has  been  misread  from 
the  time  of  Cain  to  this  day,  if  blood,  blood, 
human  blood  is  not  the  result.  But,  thank 
God,  between  the  two  sections  there  is  a  band 
of  national  men,  patriots,  who  love  their 
country  more  than  sectionalism,  ready  to  stay 
this  conflict.  Our  mission  is  to  drive  this 
sectionalism  of  the  North  back  to  Canada, 
whence  it  sprung ;  and  that  of  the  Soutb 
tsack  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico." 

NO.  XI. 

AFTER  THE  ELECTION  OF  1860. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  1860,  just 
four  days  after  the  Presidential  election, 
Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  published  a  card  in  the 
Cincinnati  Enquirer,  in  reply  to  an  attack 
by  a  Republican  paper.  The  follovnng  is 
an  extract : 

"  Atid  now  let  me  add  that  I  did  say,  rot  in 
v-y;  ishingtori,  not  at  a  dinner-table,  not  in  the 
ore.  ^ence  of  '-fire  eaters,"    but    in   the  Citv  of 
New    Yi)rk,    in    public  assembly  of  northern 
n:en,    anc*  ia  a  publi  ;•   speech   a't   the    Cooper 
Inttit*  te>  on  the  2d  of  November,  I860,  that, 
•'*{  mA    one    or   more    of  she  States   of  this 
U-nWB/fc  hould,  at  any  time,    seeede — for  rea- 
sons of  tl  "sufficiency  and  justice    of  which, 
before  God    aml  tne  great  tribunal  of  history. 
They 'alone  m  ay  judge— much  as  I  should  de- 
plore it,  /  neve. '  w°uld  as  a  Representative  in 
Congress  of    tne   United  States,  vote  one 
money  fc  'hereby  one  drop  of  Amei- 
ioan  bteod  should  b.e  s^d   in  a  civil  war.'1 
That  sentiment,  thus     uttered  in  the  presence 
i>?  thousands  of  the  me»'cnftn>«  and  solid  men 
<,f  the  free  and    patriotic    city   of  New  York. 
was  received  wi'h  vehement    «nd  longcontin 
tied  applaucc-,  ihe  entire  vast  a»«semb,!^ge  rising 
13  ;>r.e  man  nr.d    chee»rng  for   so  me*  minuses 
.\T;(!  I  now  deliberately  repeat   flnd    reaffirm 
it,  resolved,  though  I  stand  alone,  though     all 
others  yield  and  fall  away,  to  make  «t  pood  to 
the  last  moment  of  my   public    li'e      No  mo 
iiace,  no  public  clamor,  no  taunts,  r-or  sneers, 
nor  foul  detraction,  from    any    quarter,    shad 
Irive.  ma  from  my  nurpose.      Ours  is    a  _  Gov 
:rr,  went  of  opinion,  not  of  for-e;  a  Unvm  of 
v/ill,  not    urms;  and    coercion     is    civil 
a  war  of  secti  n*,  •»  war    of  Suites,    w;v 
godTby  a  race  Compounded    and    made  up  of 
I'i   ot.her  races;    iuil    of  intellect,  of  courage. 
of  will  unconque     M",  and,  when    set    -  n   fire 
by  passion    th    most  Uu   i   era  ntMnrt  most  1«*n 
NOUS  on  the  glo!"-;  »  civil  w;ir  *uH  of  borrow. 
,-  hi.  h  no  in\ag  nutiou    can   couciivo    ;i   d   no 
pen  portray.     If  Abralimn  L'-n«-i  In    is    wi  e, 


looking  truth  and  danger  full  in  the  face,  he 
will  take  counsel  of  the  "old  men,"  the  mode- 
rates of  his  party,  and  advise  peace,  negotia- 
tion, concession;  but  if  like  the  foolish  son  of 
the  wise  king,  he  reject  these  wholesome 
counsels,  and  hearken  only  to  the  madmen 
who  threaten  chastisement  with  scorpions,  let 
him  see  to  it,  lest  it  be  recorded  at  last  that 
none  remained  to  serve  him  "save  the  house 
of  Judah  only."  At  least,  if  he  will  forget 
the  secession  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  will  he  not 
remember  and  learn  a  lesson  of  wisdom  from 
the  secession  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies?" 

On  the  22d  December,  1860,  at  a  sere- 
nade in  Washington,  at  which  the  Hon. 
John  J.  Crittenden  spoke,  also  given  to 
Senator  Pugh,  of  Ohio,  for  his  noble  anti- 
coercion  and  compromise  speech  in  the 
Senate,  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM,  among  other 
similar  things,  said  : 

"Tonight  you  are  here  to  endorse  the 
great  policy  of  conciliation,  not  force,  peace, 
not  civil  war.  The  desire  nearest,  the  heart 
of  every  patriot  in  this  crisis,  is  the  preserv.v- 
tion  of  the  Union  of  these  States,  as  our 
fathers  m;ule  it.  [App'ause.j  But  the 
Union  can  be  preserved  only  by  maintaining 
the  Constitution,  and  the  constitutional  rights, 
and  above  all,  the  perfect  equality  of  every 
State,  and  every  section  of  iliis  Confederacy. 
[Cheers,]  Th?it  constitution  was  made  in 
peace;  it  has,  for  now  more  than  seventy 
years,  been  preserved  by  the  policy  of  peace 
at  home,  and  it  can  alone  be  maintained  for 
our  c-hi'dren,  and  their  children  nft?r  them, 
by  that  same  peace  policy. 

We  mean  to  stand  by  it  Public  sentiment 
may,  indeed,  at  first  be  against  us;  the  tide 
may  run  heavily  the  other  way  for  a  l.ttle 
while;  but  thank  God  we  all  have  nerve 
nough,  arid  will  enough,  and  faith  enough  in 
the  people,  to  know  that  at  lust  it  will  turn  for 
peace;  and  though  we  may  be  prostrated  for 
a  time  by  the  storm,  yet  upon  the  gravestone 
of  every  patriot  who  shall  die  now  in  the 
cause  of  peace  and  humanity  and  the  country, 
shall  be  written,  "Restirgam' — I  shall  rise 
airain.  And  it  will  be  a  "lorious  resurrection. 
[Loud  and  continued  applause.} ' 

'•  Fellow-citizens,  f  am  all   over,   and  alto- 
gether a  Union  man.     I  would  preserve  it  in 
a  i  us    integrity    and     worth.     Bur.,  I  repeat, 
hat  this  cannot  be  done  by  coercion — by  i.he 

s-'-ord."  

NO.  XIL 

THE  ANTI-COMPROMI-K  AND  SECESSION  WJN- 
TKR  OF   .8(50-61. 

The  Presidential  election  of  1£60,  hav- 


13 


ing  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  whole  South  was  forthwith 
stirred  with  the  'most  violent  excitement. 
Secession  of  some,  if  not  all,  of  the  South- 
ern States,  became  imminent.  Immediate- 
ly upon  the  assembling  of  Congress,  on  the 
od  of  December,  1860,  various  propositions 
looking  to  compromise  and  settlement  were 
introduced.  Upon  one  of  them  Mr.  YAL- 
LANDIGHAM  spoke  on  the  10th  of  Decem- 
ber, again  in  defense  of  the  West.  The 
following  are  extracts  : 

"  l>iit,  I  repeat,  sir,  there  is  not  upon  your 
committee  one  solitary  Representative  east  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  of  that  mighty  host, 
numbering  one  million  six  hundicd  thousand 
men.  which  for  so  many  years  has  stood  as  a 
vast  breakwater  against  the  winds  and  waves 
->f  ?ectionaiism;  and, upon  whose  constituent 
elements,  at  least,  this  country  must  still  so 
much  det:end  in  the  great  events  which  are 
tjb'ronging  tUick  upon  us,  for  all  hope  of  pre- 
servation now  or  of  restoration  hereafter. 
Sir.  is  any  man  here  in-;ane  enough  to  ima- 
gine I'-'r  a  moment  that  this  </re;it  northern 
and  western  Democracy,  eons'itutin^  an  es- 
sential part,  and  by  fur  the  most  numerous 
part,  ot  th;it  great  Democratic  party  •which 
for  ;i  half  a  century  moulded  the  p  >iicy  arid 
<Jqjitro!<ed  the  destinies  of  this  Republic;  th;,t 
party  which  gave  to  the  country  some  of  the 
brightest  jewels  of  which  .Oe  boasts;  that 
party  which  plated  upon  vrur  statute  bocks 
e'«e;y  important  measure  of  enduring  legi'sla- 
tu-n  from  the  beginning  of  the  Government,  to 
('•  is  .in- — that  such  a  section  of  such  a  party 
b'f  thus  utterly  ignored,  insulted,  and 
iL-i.st  a.side  as  of  no  vnlue?  I  tell  you,  you 
mistake  'he  character  <  f  the  men  you  have 
(o  d'---il  v.  iih  We  arc  in  a  minority  indeed. 

'to  day,  at  the  bal'ot-box;  HIM.!  we,  bow  qnu-t'v 
now  to  the  popu'ar  will  thus  expressed  We 
an-  defeated,  but  not  conquered;  and  he  is  a 
Cool  in  the  wisdom  of  this  world,  who  thinks 
that  in  the  mids-l  of  the  stirring  and  revolty 
lionarv  times  which  are  upon  us,  these  s'xie.'«n 
hundred  thousand  men,  born  free  and  now 
the  equals  of  their  brethren — men  whose 
every  pulse  throbs  with  the  sp  nt  of  liberty — 
wii!  tumeiy  submit  to  be  d^yraded  to  inferi- 
ority and  reduced  to  poii'ieal  servitude 
Nev '"•!-,  never  wlr.le  there  is  but  one  man  left 

ke  a  blow  at  the  oppressor. 
Sir,    we  love   this   Union;    and   more    than 

f  hat,  we  obey  the  Constituti-m.      We  are  here 
Valiant  little,  band  ot  leas  than  thirty    men, 


but  representing  more  than    a   million  and  a 
half  of  freemen.     We  are  here   to    maintain 
the  Constitution,  which  makes  the  Union,  and 
to  exact  and    yield    that    equality    of  rights 
|  which  makr-s    the    Constitution  worth    main- 
|  taining.     We  are    ready  to    do    all    and    to 
I  suffer  all  in  the  cause   of  our — thank  God! — 
'  yet  common    country;  and    by   no    vote    ot 
speech  or   act    of  ours,    here    or    elsewhere, 
shall  anything  be  done  to  defile,  or  impair,  or 
to  overthrow  this  the  grandest  temple    of  hu- 
man liberty  ever  erected  in  any  age.     But  we 
demand   to  worship  at  the    very  loot   of  the 
altar;  and  not,  as  servants  or  inferiors,  in  the 
outer  courts  of  the  ed  fice." 

"  Sir,  we  of  the  Northwest  have  a  deeper 
interest  in  the  preservation  of  this  Govern- 
ment in  its  present  form  than  any  other  sec- 
tion of  the  Union.  Hemmed  in,  isolated,  cur 
off  from  the  seaboard,  upon  every  side;  a 
thousand  miles  fciid  more  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  the  free  navigation  of  which 
under  ths  law  of  nations,  we  demand,  and 
will  have  at  every  cost;  with  nothing  else  but 
our  great  inUnd  sens,  the  lakes — an  i  their 
outlet,  too,  through  a  foreign  country — what 
is  to  be  our  dfstinv?  Sir,  we  have  fifteen 
hundred  miles  of  southern  frontier,  and  but. 
a  little  narrow  strip  of  eighty  miLs  or  le^s, 
from  Virgini-i  to  Lake  Erie,  bounding  us  upon 
the  east.  Ohio  is  the  isthmus  tiiat  connects 
the  South  wi'h  the  British  Possessions,  and 
the  East  with  the  West,  The  Rocky  Mount- 
ains sepcrate  us  from  the  Pacific.  Where  is 
to  be  our  outlet?  What  are  we  to  do  wlu-ri 
you  shall  have  broken  up  and  destroyed  this 
Government?  We  art;  sev-n  States  now, 
with  fourteen  Senators  and  fif  y-one  Repre- 
s^ntaMves,  and  a  population  of  nine  millions. 
We  have  'an  empire  equal  in  area  to  the  third 
of  all  Europe,  and  we  do  not  mean  to  be  ft  de- 
pendency or  province  either  of  the  East  or 
of  the  South:  nor  y^t  an  inferior  or  seeon  1 
rale  power  upon  this  continent. ;  nnd  -if  we 
CHnnot  secure  a  maratime  boundary  upon 
other  terms,  we  \vl  1  e!°ave  our  way  to  the 
sea-coast  with  the  »word.  A  notion  of 
warriors  we  may  be;  a  tribe  of  shepherds 
never." 

On  the  7rh  of  February,  1861,  Mi. 
V ALLANDIGHAM  introduced  his  proposed 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  providing 
for  a  division  of  the  States  into  four  sec- 
tions for  the  purpose  of  voting  in  the  Sen- 
ate and  the  Electoral  College,  and  on  the 
20th  of  February,  spoke  at  length  in  its 
support.  The  following  are  extracts  : 

''Born,  sir,  upon  tb^  vSoil  of  the  United 
States;  attach 2 J  to  my  coatit.ry  from  earliest 


14 


boyhood;  loving  and  revering  her,  with  some 
part  at  least,  with  the  spirit  of  Greek  and  Ro- 
mon  patriotism;  between  these  two  alterna- 
tives, with  all  my  mind,  with  all  my  heart, 
with  all  my  strength  of  body  and  of  soul,  liv- 
ing or  dying,  at  home  or  in  exile,  I  arn  for  the 
Union  which  made  it  what  it  is:  and  there- 
fore I  am  also  for  such  terms  of  peace  and  ad- 
iastment  as  will  maintain  that  Union  now  and 
"forever.  This,  then,  is  the  question  which  to- 
day I  propose  to  discuss: 

"How  shall  the  Union  of  these  States  be  re- 
stored and  preserve d? 

"Devoted  as  I  am  to  the  I'niort,  I  have  yet 
ao  eulogies  to  pronounce  upon  it  to  day.  It 
needs  none.  Its  highest  eulogy  i«  the  history 
yt  this  country  for  the  last  seventy  years  — 
The  triumphs  of  war  nnd  the  arts  of  peace, 
science,  civilization,  wealth,  population,  com- 
merce, trade,  manufactures,  literature,  educa- 
tion, justice,  tranquillity,  security  to  life,  to 
person,  to  property,  material  happiness,  com- 
mon defense,  national  renown — all  that  is 
implied  in  the  blessings  of  liberty' — these,  and 
more,  have  been  its  fruits  from  the  bpginning 
to  ibis  hour.  These  have  enshrined  it,  in  the 
bearts  of  the  people— and,  before  God,  I  be- 
lieve they  will  restore  and  preserve  it  And 
ic-daytheydemand  ot  us, their  embassadors  and 
representatives,  to  tell  them  how  this  great 
work  is  to  be  accomplished  " 

11 1  shall  vote  also  for  the  Crittenden  propo- 
sitions— as  an  experiment,  and  only  as  an 
experiment— because  they  proceed  upon  thp 
same  general  idea  which  marks  the  Adams 
amendment;  and  whereas,  for  the  sake  of 
peace  and  the  Union,  the  latter  would  give  a 
new  security  to  s'avery  in  the  States,  the  for- 
mer, fcr  the  selfsame  great  and  paramount 
object  of  Union  and  peace,  proposes  to  give 
a  r.ew  security  also  to  slavery  in  the  Territo- 
tories  south  of  the  latitude  36°  30V  If  the 
t  nion  is  worth  the  price  which  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  volunteers  to  pay  to 
maintain  it,  is  it  not  richly  worth  the  small 
additional  price  which  the  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky demands  as  the  possible  condition  of 
preserving  it?  Sir,  it  is  the  old  parable  of  the 
Roman  sybil;  and  to-morrow  she  will  return 
with  fewer  volumes,  and  it  may  be  at  a  higher 
price. 

I  shall  vote  to  try  the  Crittenden  proposi- 
tions, because,  also,  I  believe  that  they  are 
perhaps  the  least  which  even  the  more  mode- 
rate of  tihe  slave  States  would  under  any  cir 
cums'ances  be  willing  to  accept;  and  because 
north,  south,  and  west,  the  people  seem  to 
have  taken  hold  of  them  and  to  demand  them 
of  u*,  aa  an  experiment  at  least  I  am  ready 
to  try,  a!so,  if  need  be;  the  propositions  of  the 


border  State  committee,  or  of  the  peace  con- 
gress; or  any  other  fair,  honorable,  and  rea- 
sonable terms  of  adjustment  which  may  so 
much  as  promise  even,  to  heal  our  present 
troubles,  and  to  restore  the  Union  of  these 
States.  Sir,  I  am  ready  and  willing  and  anx- 
ious to  try  all  things  and  to  do  all  things 
"which  may  become  a  man,"  to  secure  that 
great  object  which  is  nearest  to  my  heart 

"The  question,  therefore,  is  not  merely 
what  will  keep  Virginia  in  the  Union,  but  also 
what  will  bring  Georgia  back  And  here 
let  me  say  that  I  do  not  doubt  that  there  is  a 
large  and  powerful  Union  sentiment  still  sur- 
viving in  all  the  States  which  have  seceded, 
South  Carolina  alone  perhaps  excepted;  and 
that  if  the  people  of  those  States  can  be  as- 
sured that  they  shall  have  the  power  to  pro- 
tect themselvrs  by  their  own  action  within 
the  Union,  they  will  gladly  return  to  it,  very 
greatly  preferring  protection  within  to  secu- 
rity outside  cf  it.  Just  now,  indeed,  the  fear 
of  danger,  and  your  persistent  and  obstinate 
refusal  to  enable  them  to  cuard  against  it, 
have  delivered  the  people  of  those  States  over 
into  the  hands  an^i  under  the  control  of  the 
real  secessionists  and  disunionists  among 
them;  but  give  them  security  and  the  means 
of  enforcing  it;  above  all,  dry  up  this  pesti- 
lent fountain  of  slavery  agitation  as  a  politi- 
cal element  in  both  sections,  and,  tny  word 
for  it,  the  ties  of  a  common  ancestry,  a  com- 
mon kindred,  and  common  language;  the 
bonds  of  a  common  interest,  common  danger, 
and  convr.on  safety;  the  recollections  of  the 
past,  and  of  asfo^aticns  m  t  yet  dissolved, 
and  thp  bright  hopes  of  a  future  to  all  of  us, 
more  glorious  and  resplendent  than  any  othtr 
country  ever  saw;  ay,  sir,  and  visions,  too,  of 
that  old  flag  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  music 
of  the  Union,  and  precious  memories  of  the 
statesmen  and  herops  of  the  dark  days  of 
the  Revolution,  will  fill  their  souls  yet  ugain 
with  yearnings  and  desires  intense  for  the 
glories,  the  honors,  and  the  material  benefits, 
too,  or  that  Union  which  their  fathers  and  our 
fathers  made;  and  they  will  return  to  it,  not 
as  the  prodigal,  but  with  songs  and  rejoicing, 
as  the  Hebrews  returned  from  the  captivity  to 
the  ancient  city  of  their  kings." 

Referring  to  secession,  Mr.  V.  said : 
"Sir,  the  experiment  may  readily  be  repeat- 
ed. It  will  be  repeated.  And  is  it  not  mad- 
ness and  folly,  then,  to  call  back,  by  adjust- 
ment, the  States  which  have  seceded,  or  to 
hold  back  the  States  which  are  threatening  to 
secede,  without  providing  some  safeguard 
against  the  renewal  of  thw  most  simp.'e  and 
disastrous  experiment?  Can  foreign  nations 
have  anv confidence  hereafter  in  the  stability 


15 


of  a  Government  which  may  so  readily,  spee- 
dily, and  quietly  be  dissolved?  Can  we  have 
any  confidence  among  ourselves?" 

It  was  this  speech  which  the  Cincinnati 
Commercial  (Republican)  complimented 
as  "  very  able."" 

In  answer  to  a  gross  telegraphic  misrep- 
resentation of  this  proposition,  Mr.  V.  ex- 
plained and  defended  it  in  a  card  to  the 
Cincinnati  Enquirer,  dated  February  14, 
1861,  as  follows  : 


lican  without  (me  single  exception  voting 
against  them.  Mr.  V.  voted  aye.  The 
following  is  a  list  of  the  yeas  and  nays  : 

YEAS— Messrs.  Adrain,  William  C.  Anderson,  Av 
ery,  Barr,  Barrett,  Bocock,  Boteler,  Bouligny,  Brah- 
son,  Branch,  Briggs,  Bristow,  Brown,  Burch,  Burnett.. 
Horace  F.  Clark,  John  B.  Clark.  John  Cochrane,  Cox, 
James  Craig,  Burton  Craige,  John  G.  Davis,  De  J*  - 
nette,  I'iimnick,  Edmundson,  English,  Florence, 
Fouke,  Garnett,  Gilmer,  Hamilton,  J.  Morrison  BarrL-. 
John  T.  Harris,  Hatton,  Holman,  William  Howard, 
Hughes,  Jenkins,  Kuokle,  Larabee,  James  M.  Leach  . 
L«ake,  Logan,  Mac-lay,  Mailory,  Charles  D.  Martin. 


Elbert  S.  Martin,   Maynard,  McClernand,  McKentyr 

.  .  Millson,  Montgomery,  Laban  T.  Moo/e,  Isaac  N.  Mo: 

'   My  proposition  looks  solely  to  the  restora- !  ris,  Nelson,  Isibhvk,   Noell,  Peyton,   Phelps.   Pryou 


Quarles,  Riggs,  James  C.  Robinson,  Rust,  Sickles, 
Simms,  William  Smith,  William  N.  H.  Smith,  Steven  - 
son,  James  A.  Stewart,  Stokes,  stout,  Thomas,  VAL- 
LAND1GHAM,  Vance,  Webster,  Whiteley,  Wmslow 
Woodson,  and  Wright—  80. 

N  AYS—  M  essrs.  Charles  F.  Adams,  Aldrieh,  Alley, 
Ashley,  Babbitt,  Beale,  Bingham,  Blair,  Blwke,  Bray- 
ton,  Buffintor,  Burhngame,  Murnham,  Butterfield, 


F^ry', 


ham,  Grow,  Hale,  Hall.Helmick,  Hiekman,  Hindmac, 
Hoard,  William  A.  Howard,  Humphrey,  Hutchins,  Ir- 
vine, Junkin,  Francis  VV.  Kellogg,  William  Kellogg 
Kenyon,  Kilgore,  Killinger,  DeWitt  C.  Leach,  Leer 


Longnecker,   Loomis, 
MeKnight,  McPherson 


Lovejoy 
,   Mocrh 


Marston,    McKean, 
ead,    Morrill,  Morse, 


Nixon,  Olin,  Palmer,  Perry,  Pettit,  Porter,  Potter, 
Pottle,  Euwin  R.  Reynolds,  Kice,  ChristopherBobic- 
son,  Royce.  Scranton,  Sedgwick,  Sherman,  Somes, 
Spaulding,  .Spinner,  Stanton,  Stevens,  William  Stewart, 
Stratton,  Tappan.  Tbayer,  Theaker,  Tomkins,  Train, 
Trimbl*1,  Vandever,  Van  Wyck,  Verree,  Wade,  Wal- 
dron,  Walton,  Cadwalader  C.  Washburn,  Ellihu  B. 
Washburne,  Wells,  Wilson,  Wmdom,  Wood,  and 
Woodruff— 113.— Cbi 


tion  and  maintenance  of  the  Union  forever, 
by  suggesting  a  mode  of  voting  in  the  United 
States  Senate  and  the  Electoral  Colleges,  by 
which  the  causes  which  have  led  to  our  pres- 
ent troubles,  may  in  the  future  be  guarded 
against  without  secession  and  disunion  ;  and 

also  the    agitation  of  the  slavery  question  as    Coch'rane, ;  Coliax,  Conk  ling,  Conway,  Corwin,  Covod< 
an  element  in  our  national  politics,  be  forever  I  H-  Winter  Pavis,  Dawe*,  Delano,  J  uel!, 
hereafter  arrested.     My  object — the  sole  mo- 
tive by  which  I  have  been  guided  from  the  be- 
ginning of  this  most    fatal    revolution — is   to 
MAINTAIN    TUB    UNION    and  not    destroy    it. 
When  all  possible  hope  is  gone,  and  the  Union 
irretrievably  broken,  then,  but  not  till  then,  I 
will  be  for  a  Western  Confederacy." 

NO.  XIII. 

VOTKH     UPON      THE    VARIOUS     COMPROMISE 
PROPOSITIONS. 

On  the  27th  of  February,  1861,  the 
House  proceeded  to  vote  on  the  various 
Compromise  Propositions  before  it. 

Mr.  Kellogg,  of  Illinois,  had  submitted 
a  proposition  similar  to  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820,  but  to  be  embodied  in 
the  Constitution.  It  was  rejected,  yeas 
33,  nays  158.  All  the  yeas  were  Demo- 
crats and  Constitutional  Union  men,  ex- 
cept Mr.  Kellogg  himself.  Mr.  VALLAN- 
DIGHAM  voted  for  the  Proposition. —  Con- 
gressional Globe,  p.  1260. 

The  question  then  recurred  on  the 
"  Crittenden  Propositions,"  offered  in  the 
House  by  Mr.  Clemens,  of  Virginia.  It 
was  these  propositions  which  Mr.  Davis 
and  Mr.  Toombs  both  declared  would  be 
satisfactory  to  the  South  and  avert  seces- 
sion ;  (Douglas'  speech,  January  13,  1861. 
Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  p.  41.) 
And  as  in  the  Senate,  so  also  in  the 
House,  they  were  rejected,  and  by  a  vote 
of  yeas  80,  nays  113,  every  Democrat  and 
Southern  man,  except  Hindman,  of  Ar- 
kansas, voting  for  them,  and  every  Repub- 


Of  the  eighty  who  voted  for  Compro- 
mise, nineteen  arc  in  either  the  Federal  or 
Confederate  army,  while  of  the  one  hund- 
red and  thirteen  who  voted  against  Com- 
promise, only  six ;  one  of  them  being 
Hindman,  now  a  Confederate  general. 
The  other  five  are  in  the  Federal  army. 

NO.  XIV7. 

LINCOLN  INAUGURATED— CIVIL   WAK. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1861,'  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  inaugurated.  His  address 
declared  the  "Chicago  Platform"  a  law 
unto  him;  but  for  some  weeks  the  peace 
policy  prevailed.  Fort  Snmpter  was  to 
be  evacuated.  The  country  acquiesced. 
The  Republican  press  pronounced  it  wise 
— "a  master  stroke  of  policy."  He  him- 
self said  in  the  Inaugural : 

';  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight 
always,  and  when  after  much  loss  on  both 
sides,  and  no  gain  on  either  you  cease  fight- 
ing, the  identical  old  questions,  as  to  terms  of 
intercourse  are  a^rain  upon  you." 


16 


But  after  the  Spring  elections,  which 
resulted  disastrously  to  the  Republican 
party,  the  peace  policy  was  abandoned. 
A  fleet  was  sent  to  reinforce  Fort  Sum 
ter.  Sou. h  Carolina  fired  on  the  Fort  and 
compelled  its  surrender.  The  President 
issued  his  Proclamation  of  April  15, 1861, 
calling  seventy-five  thousand  militia,  and 
in  a  moment  the  whole  country  was  wrap- 
ped in  the  flames  of  the  most  terrible  civil 
war  ever  waged  in  any  age  or  country. 
Congress  was  called  together,  not  forth- 
with and  to  counsel  and  advise  in  the 


be  the  policy  of  the  EAST,  but  peace  is  a    ne- 
cessity in  the  WEST. 


NO.  XV. 

THE  EXTRA  SESSION  OF  Ififel. 

Congress  met  on  the  Fourth  of  July, 
full  of  war,  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the 
House  was  to  resolve  that  nothing  not  re- 
lating to  the  war,  should  be  in  order. 
War  became  a  fixed  fact,  and  Mr.  VALLAN 
DIGRAM  accepted  it  as  such,  and  maintain- 
ing only  his  opinions  and  consistency  of 
position  in  regard  to  it,  he  confined  his 


>risis,  but  on  the  Fourth  of  July  and  mere-  opposition  to  the  usurpations  of  power,  il- 
ly to  vote  men  and  money.  i  leSal  ac*s  a»d  violations  of  the  Constitu- 
On  the  17th  of  April,  Mr.  VALLANDIG-  ] tion  b7  the  Executive.  On  the  10th  of 
HAM,  in  reply  to  false  and  most  malignant  i  Jubr>  at  mnch  personal  risk,  he  addressed 
charges  and  assaults  by  the  Republican  i the  Ho"se  in  a  sPeech  of  whlcb  some  threo 
press,  published  a  card  from  which  the  fol-  i  hundred  thousand  copies  m  various  forms, 
lowing  is  an  extract:  j  were  soon  published  and  circulated.  The 

civil    war  i  f0^0™^  are  tbe  onty  portions  of  it  which 

has   inau-  :  refer  to  the  war : 


"  My  position  in  regard  to    this 
which  the  Lincoln  Administration 
gurated,  was  long  since  taken,  is  well   known, 
?ind  will  be  adhered  to  to  the  end.  Let  that  be 

understood.     I  have  added  nothing  to  it,  sub-  i  g'aged.     Its  present  prosecution  is  a  foregone 

conclusion;  and  a  wise  man  never  wastes    his 
strength  on  a  fruitless   enterprise.     My    posi- 


"Sir,  I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  the  direct 
question  of  this  civil  war  in  which  we  are  en- 


tracted  nothing  from  it,     and     said    nothing 
about  it'  publicly,  since    the    war    began.     I 

know  well  that  I  am  right,  and  that  in  a  little  !  tion  shall  at  present,  for  the  most  part,  be  in- 

resolutions 
But  there 


[\If\fVV       VT1IF1&    IJICIV    J-       CfclJJ.    •••&*-**)     «.1XVA      lfUC»|/    i-L*     <*     JLllslVv'     :     HUII     QA1  CHI     Cbb     LfAV-OV^liLj     iWJ.       vu\y 

while  '  the  sober  second  thought   of  the  peo- !  dicated  by  my  votes,  and  by 

pie,'  will    dissipate  the   present   fleeting    and  j  and  motions  which  I  may  si 

sudden  public  madness,  and  will    demand  to  !  are  many  questions  incident  to  the  war  and  to 

know  why  thirty  millions  of  people-  are  butch-  •  its  prosecution,  about  which  I  have  somewhat 


the 
submit. 


oring  each  other  in  civil  war,    and  will  arrest 
it  speedily." 

On  the  13th  of  May,  he  addressed  a  let-  i 


to  say  now. 

''As  to  my  own  position   in  regard  to  this 


IAaJ'      .  m  '  that  I  stand  to-day  just  where  I   stood   upon 

ter   m  reply  to  a  communication  Irom  cer-  j  the  4th  of  March  last;  where  the  whoje  demo. 

tain  constituents,  from  which  we  take  the  I  cratjc  partv,   and    the    whole    Constitutional 


following: 

"  In  brief:  I  am  for  the  CONSTUTIOX  first, 
and  at  all  hazard.*;  for  whatever  can  now  be 
.saved  to  the  UNION  next,  and  for  PEAOK  al- 
ways as  essential  to  the  preservation  of  either. 
But  whatever  any  one  may  think  of  the  war, 

:,ne  thing  at   least,    every    lover    of  Liberty  1  in  regard  to  supporting  the    Government,, 
oaght  to  demand  inexorably  that  it  shall  lie  \  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  said  he  would  answer 
'Oirried  on  strictly  subject  to  the    Constitu- 
tion. 

"  The  peace  policy  was  tried  :  it  arrested  se-  , 

,-ession,  and  promised  a  restoration  of  the  j  otter  at  a  future  time  : 
Union.  The  policy  of  war  is  now  upon  trial:  j  "  Resolved.  That  the  Federal  Government 
in  twenty  days  it  has  driven  four  States  and  j  is  the  agent  of  the  people  oi  the  several  States 
four  millions  and  a  half  of  people  out  of  the  ,  compossng  the  Union  ;  thatit  consists  of  three- 
Union  and  into  the  Confederacy  of  the  South.  '  distinct  departments— the  legislative,  the  exee- 
ln  a  little  while  longer  it  will  drive  out.  also,  I  ntive,  and  the  judicial — each  equally  a  part  of 
two  or  four  more  States,  and  two  millions  or  i  the  Government  and  equally  entitled  to  the  eon- 
three  millions  of  people.  War  may:  indeed,  'fidetfce  and  support  of  the  States  and  the  peo- 


Union  party,  and  a  vast  majority,  as  I  believer 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States  stood  too. 
I  am  for  peace,  speedy,  immediate,  honorable- 
PEACE,  with  all  its  blessings." 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  speech  in  reply 
to  a  question^by  Mr.  Holman,  of  Indiana,. 


in  the  words  of  the  following  resolution,, 
which  he  had  prepared,  and   proposed   to* 


17 

j[>le,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  ev;  _-ry  patriot  to  j  For  these  reasons  J  move  the    amendment-- 
sustain the  several  departments   of  the  COY-  j  While  confining  it  to  religious  societies,  it  will 
eminent  in  the  exercise  of  nil    constitutional  ;  leave    the  appointment  open  to  those  at  least 
powers  of  each  which  may  b'e  necessary  and  !  who  are  of  the  Hebrew  faiih,  and  who,  by  the 
proper  for  the  preservation  of  the  Government   terms  of  the  bill,    are   unjustly   and  without 
in  its  principles  and  in  its  vigor  and  integrity,  j  constitutional  warrant,  excluded  from  it. 
jnd  to  stand  by  and  defend  to  tho  utmost  the!    '  Tlie    amendment    was   rejected.--  Cony. 
nag    which  represents  tho   Government:    the:  /yo/u  ?     i  QQ 
irnion  and  the  countrv." 

REMARKS  ON  THE  WAtt. 

On  the  9th  July,  Mr.  htcvens,  the  !  On  the  same  day  (July  12,  1801)  Mr. 
chairman  oi  the  committee  of  ways  and  ,  VALLANDIGHAM  moved  the  following  pro- 
means,  asked  unanimous  consent  to  report  viso  to  the  Volunteer  Army  Bill.  It  wa, 
a  bill  appropriating  six  millions  to  pay  the  bofOR,  anv  serioils  battje  ]iad  |jecn  foiM?1|t 
three  months  volunteers.  Mr.  \  .  \u..v\-  between  the  contending  parde.>  : 

";AM  8aul  :  .        "  ProriJed  further.  That  before  the  IV^- 

[  presume  ftei*  Ls  no  <^je<jtioi}  to  the  bill    l]enf  shn}1  hnvc  the  ri,,ht  to  eal,  out  nm.  nv_ 

*u  ^  ''  ,     •         .  ,  ~  .  volunteers  than  are  ftlreadv  in  tho  service,  h.- 

It  passed  imAiimnm*iy.—  Conff,'e**ional  ,hai!  Jlppoint  seven  commissioners,  tirfioso 
f$obe,,£f  ol.  mission  shall  be  to  accompany  the  Army  02. 

On  the  llth  of  July,    Mr.  YALLA.NDK;-    its  march,  to  receive  and  consider  such  pn.; 
•HA!-!  oi&red  the  following  as  a  proviso    t<>    coitions,  if  any.  as  may    at  any  time   be 
the  army  appropriation  bill  :  rnitfcd   from_tho    executive    of  the    po-call«-«! 

u  77     *  •  7  j  7  confederate  State?,   or  of  anv    one    ot  tJieiri 

Proed  hovever,  no    part    of  the  ,          ^  ^  R  s^^n  f)f  ^L  and  th^ 

" 


returnof  ,.lid  g  m.  nny  ()UO  of- 

the  Union,  and  ,>  oU.ience     to  the 


momy  hereby  appropiated.  shall  be  employed 
in  subjugating    or    holding    as  a    conquered 

Province,  anv  sovereign  State    now   or   latelv    /-<         •  •   . 

,.-    ,     T   •      •   0  .    •     Constitution  and 

Tiie  Umten   States;  nor    HI    abolishing  '  , 

"ring    with    slavery    in    any   of  the     .  ^r-  VALLAKDIGHAM   "defined    his    posi- 
fcuues. "  lion"  again  on  the  war   in    the   following 

The  proviso  was  rejected. —  Co//.   (ri<J,<\    remark^  which  comprise  all  that  was    fcait. 

p-  77.  by  him  diiectly   on  ihe   War,    during    th*1 

CHAPLAIN:-— CHT/RI H   ANT*    STATK.          '  Extra  Session.      At  t hat  t iin-?  the  war  WAH 

Pending  the  consideration  of  the  Volim-  j  justified  by  many  Democrats  on  the  ground 
leer  Army  Bill,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1S*>1,  that  there  was  an  immeiis.-  Union  senti- 
Mr.  VALLANDK.HAM  moved  to  strike  on(  nient  in  the  South  which  could  be  d 
from  the  section  relating  to  chaplains,  the  oped  1-y  di>persiug  the  armies  of  the  Con- 
words  "Christian  denomination,"  and  in-  >•  federate  States  ami  releasing  the  people 
stead  thereof  to  insert  "religions  society.''  of  the  South  from  the  military  despotism 
He  said:  which  they  said  was  exercised  by  the  few 

"I  do  it,  Mr.  Chairman,  because  there  is  a  wm>  1in<^  inanag^l  to  get  power.  He  said: 
large  body  of  _ men  in  this  country,  and  one  I  offer  the  amendment  in  good  faith,  and 
growing  continually,  of  the  Hebrew  faith,  fur  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  therc- 
whose  rabbis  and  priests  are  men  of  great  be  such  a  disposition  in  the  House.  For  my 
learning  and  unquestioned  piety,  and  whose  j  own  part,  sir.  while  Iicoutd  not  in  the  beyin- 
adherents  areas  grood  citizens  and  as  true  ning  haccyiven a  dollar  or  a  man  to  com- 
patriots as  any  in  the  country/but  who  are  ex- ,  mence  this  war.  Tarn  willing— now  that  we 
•eluded  by  this  section;  and  because,  also,  up- \  are  in  (he  midst  ofitwithtnianijactofour* 
der  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  Con- !  —to  votejiixt  ax  many  men  and  just  as  mucr 
gress  is  forbidden  to  make  ai;r  law  respecting  »io/if>/  a.s-  may  be  necessary  to  protect  andde- 
the  establishment  of  a  State  relii/ion.  While  fend' the  Federal  Government.  It  would  be 
we  are  in  one  sense  a  Christian  peopje,  and  I  both  treason  and  madness  now  to  disarm  the 
yet  in  another  sense,  not  the  most  Christian  j  Government  in  the  presence  of  an  enemy  of 
people^  in  the  world,  this  is  yet  not  a  "  Chris- :  two  hundred  thousand  men  in  the  field 

'  against  it.  But  I  will  not  vote  millions  of 
men  and  money  blindly,  for  bills  interpreted 
by  the  message,  and  in  speeches  on  this  floor, 


Government''  r.cr  a  Government  which 
has  any  connection  with  any  one  form  of  re- 
ligion in  preference  to  any  other  form— I 


•speak,  of  course,  in  a  political   sense   alone,  to  mean  bitter  and   relentless   hostility  to  aad 


18 


subjugation  of  the  South.  It  t*  against  mi 
aggressive  and  invasive  warfare  (hat  /  raise 
my  vote  and  voice.  I  desire  not  to  be  misun- 
derstood. I  would  suspend  hostilities  for 
present  negotiation,  to  try  the  temper  of  the 
South— the  Union  men,  at  least,  of  the  South. 
But  as  the  war  is  upon  us,  there  must  be  an 
army  in  the  field;  there  must  be  money  appro- 
priated to  maintain  it;  but  I  will  give  no 


disun- 
revolt 


more  of  men  and  no  more  of  money  than  is 
oecessaryto  keep  that  army  in  the  "position, 
ar.d  ready  to  strike,  until  it  can  be  ascertain- 
ed whether  there  is  a  Union  sentiment  in  the 
South, and  whether  there  be  indeed  any  real  and 
wber  and  well  founded  disposition  among  the 
people  of  {hose  States  to  return  to  the  Union  \ 
and  lo  their  obedience  to  the  authority  of  this 
Government.  I  trust  that  this  amendment 

will  receive   that    consideration    which  I  be- 1  olitionists  of  the  Northern    and   Western 
heve  u  justly  deserves.  WO*.  Globe,  p.  97.  |  States/,     He  did  not  votc  affainst  itf  be. 


Mr.  Thacideas  Stevens, of  Pennsylvania, 
objected. — Cong.  Globe,  p.  209. 

On  the  22nd  of  July,  the  clay  after  UK- 
battle  of  Bull  Run,  Mr.  Ciittenden  again 
offered  it,  and  this  time  it  was  receive*! 
without  objection.  A  separate  vote  wah 
had  upon  the  first  part  of  the  resolution,  in 
these  words: 

"That  the  present  deplorable  civil  w  ar  IUM 
been  forced  upon  the  country  by  the 
nionists  of  the  Southern  States  now  in 
against  the  constitutional  Government  around 
the  Capital." 

Mr.  VALLAXDIGHAM  refused  to  vote  for 
it  upon  the  ground  that  it  did  not  tell  tin 


whole  truth  and  include  "the  disunion-ab- 


And  yet,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  this 
proposition  to  appoint  commissioners  sole- 
ly for  the  purpose  of  a  restoration  of  the 
Union,  by  the  return  of  the  seceded  States, 
received  only  twenty-one  votes. 

On  the  18th  of  July,  during  a  speech 
by  Mr.  Holman,  of  Indiana,  Mr:  VALLAN- 
DIGHAM,  interrupting  him  said: 

"  The  gentleman  misapprehended  me  alto- 
gether. /  am  looking  to  the  restoration  of 
the  Union  through  peace,  while  the  gentle- 
man is  looking  to  it  through  war.  That  is 
the  only  difference  between  us." 

MR.    CRITTENDEN'S    RESOLUTION. 


cause  it  was  true  in  part.  It  passed,  yeas, 
121;  nays,  2 — Burnett,  of  Kentucky,  and 
Reid,  of  Missouri. 

The  second  part  of  the  resolution  was 
then  voted  upon,  and  passed,  yeas,  117; 
nays,  2 — Potter,  of  Wisconsin,  and  Rid- 
dle, of  Ohio,  both  Republicans.  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM voted  for  it. —  Cony.  Globe, 
page  223. 

On  the  30th  of  July,  when  debate  wa» 
refused  upon  an  important  measure,  under 
the  previous  question  gag,  Mr.  VALLAN- 
DIGHAM said : 

'•Then,  Sir,  let  it  go  upon  the  record  that 


On  the  19th  of  July,  before  the  battle  of  this  bil1  has  been    forced   uPon    its   Pa9sage 
.11    Tinn    M,.    n,.:**l,,j/«    _i_-j    .         •     without  debate.     I  propose,  Sir,  to  discuss  it 


Bull   Run,  Mr. 


asked 


unain- 


mows  consent  to  offer  the   following   reso- 


Intion 

"Besotved,  That 


the    present    deplorable 


civil  war  has  been  forced  upon  the  country 
by  the  di.sunionists  of  the  Southern  States, 
now  in  arms  against  the  Constitutional  Gov- 
ernment, and  in  arms  around  the  Capitol;  that 


propose,  Sir,  to  discuss  it 
in  the  GREAT  HEBEAFTKR  to  which  I  have  so 
often  had  occasion  of  late  to  appeal. " 

On  the  20th  of  August,  1861,  in  reply 
to  the  charge  that  he  had  said  that  "he 
was  for  peace  before  the  Union,"  Mr.  VAL- 
LAXDIGAM  published  a  card  denying  it,  from 
which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

in  this -National  emergency,  Congress,  ban-  "It  is  a  part  of  that  mass  of  falsehood 
tailing  a  11  feeling  of  mere  passion  and  resent-  created  and  set  afloat  so  persistently  for  the 
inent,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to  the  whole  i  last  few  years  in  regard  to  all  that  concerns 
country;  that  this  war  is  not  waged  on  their  me;  and  is  of  the  same  coinage- of  that  other 
n  any  spirit  of  oppression  or  for  any  falsehood  that  I  once  said  that  "Federal 

troops  must  pass  over  my  dead  body  on  their 
way    South" — a  speech    of  intense   stupidity 


which  I  never  at    any  time,    in  any  place, 


purpose  of  conquest  or  subjugation,  or  pur- 
pose of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the 
rights  or  established  institutions  of  those 

States,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the  su  i  any  shape  or  form  uttered  in  my  lift-. 
premacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve  I  But  now  allow  me  also  to  say  that  I  am  for 
the  Union,  with  all  the  dignity,  equality,  and  I  peace— speedy  and  honorable  peace—  because 
rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired;  and  |  I  am  for  the  Union,  and  know,  or  think  I 
that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplish-  j  know  that  every  hour  of  warfare  by  so  much 
ed  the  war  ought  to  cease."  •  !  diminishes  the  hopes  and  chances  of  its  resto- 


19 

I  repeai  with  DOWM.IS  :   "  War  is  dis-  ,      "1  do  neither  retract  one  aentitnt-nt  that  L 
•uaioa.     War  is  final,  eternal  seporatioa,"  and    have  uttered,  nor  would  I   obliterate  a  single 


with  CHATHAM:  "My  Lord.*,  you  canuot  con- 
•quer  America." 


NO    XVI 


vote  which  I  have  given.  I  speak  of  the  re- 
cord  as  it  will  appear  hereafter,  and  indeed 
stands  now  upon  the  Journals  of  this  House 
an(l  *n  *ne  Congressional  Globe.  And  there 

TSG  8URRXNDER  OFMA8ON  AND  8UDJ8LL-  |  »  "°  other  record,  thank  God,  and    no    act 
HUTCHIN'S  ATTACK  AN£>  REPULSE.  or  word  or  thought   of  mine,  and    never  ha.s 

On  the  2d  of  December,  1861,  the  first!  been  from  the  beginning,  in    public  or  in  pri- 
a         /»    i  .1      u  i-    r>  i  vete,  of  which  any   patriot  ought  to  be  asna- 

day  ot  the  session  the  House  ot  Ivcpre-  j  med;  SIr>it  13  thJ,  ^a  as  fmade  it,  anda, 
.seatatives  congratulated  the  country  and  i  it  cxi8tsnere  todaj;  aluj  not  as  a  mendacious 
thanked  Captain  Wilke.s  lor  the  seizure  |an(|  shameless  press  have  attempted  to  make 
by  him  of  the  Confederate  envoys,  Mason  \  it  up  for  me.  Let  us  see  who  will  grow  tired 
aad'Slidell,  on  board  a  British  steamer,  j  of  his  record  first.  Consistency,  firmness,  and 
On  the  15th  of  December,  the  news  of  ;  sanity,  in  the  midst  of  general  madness— 
the  storm  of  indignation  in  England  was  i  '•"<*«  made  UP,  ,m7  offeuse'  But,  7*fS  ',  • 
ived  The  next  day,  Mr.  VAIJ,AXDIG  *™?  sets  all  things  even:  and 


received 

«AM,  remarking  that  he  "regretted  and  |  "lu^.dav  the  ma?nitude  and  true  character 
would  have  opposed  had  he  had  the  power,  j  of  tlie  war'stand  confessed,  and  its  real  pur- 
aad  prevented  the  Admini.stration  and  this  j  poses  begin  to  be  revealed;  and  I  am  justified. 
House  from  the  folly  of  taking  a  position  |  or  soon  will  be  justified,  by  thousands  who  a 
in  advance  upon  the  question,  but  that  it 'little  while  ago  condemned  me.  But  I  ap- 
wa«  too  late  now  to  retreat,"  offered  a  res- 1  pealed  in  the  beginning,  as  I  appeal  now, 

olution  pledging  the  House  to  support  the  j  ™f  *°  I1'0, near  ?»*  ™*  iSJ^ifS,  *"? 

.,    J  iii-  A.-I      \  by   the   judgment  of  that  impartial  tribunal, 

President  in  upholding  now  the  honor  jevon  Jn  ^^ n t  generation,  I  will  abide; 
and  vindicating  the  courage  ot  the  GOT-  L,  ;f  rav  narae  and  memory  shall  fade  away 
•eminent  and  people  of  the  United  States !  out  of  the  record  of  these  times,  then  will 
:again&t  a  foreign  power."  But  a  great!  these  calumnies  perish  wi.h  them." 
change  had  come  over  the  spirit  of  the:  On  the  15th  of  January,  1862,  Mr.  VAL- 
House,  am.  the  resolution  was  referred  to  LANDIGHAM  spoke  upon  the  question  of 
the  committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  by  a  j  public  debt  and  the  finances.  The  follow  - 
vote  of  yeas  109,  nays  16  ;  all  of  the  lat-!inij  is  an  extract: 

4being  ter  Democrats,  eight  of  them  from'  "Sir,  this  is  immeasurably  the  most  mo- 
Ohio.  On  the  next  day  the  following!  incntous  of  fill  the  questions  which  are  be- 
oolloquy  occurred  :  j  fore  us;  and  whoever  fails  to  meet  and  to 

....     .  i  irrapple  with  it  boldlv    and  to  the  full    extent, 

Mr  COI.FAX.     I  am  still  in  favor  of    met-  j  ^    » -{diMim-mM;  fo'r  bankruptcy  is  disunion 

5f§rS  in6  •****&**•**  to.the,m  (MaS°n  !  and  dissolution  in  the  worst  form,  and  will 
M  V^U S  f\  Tl"  rm':  •  brin-  the  war  to  an  instant  end  ;  not  as  1 

Mr.  \alland.gliam.  Ihesc  men  will  be  |  fa  f  .  ,  <l(r,HShnenl,  fair  common- 

surrendered  before  three   months'  m  the  face  i  7T  '?  ,::.•'   .  /•  /z,,    rr^  .    i^ 


of  a  threat.     I  make  that  prediction  here  to- 
day. 


and  a  restoration  <>f  the    Union,   but  by 
uumediale.  eternal  and    iguominious  sepanx- 


Mr.  Colfax.     I  disbelieve  it  ^n.~  Con.  Globe,  p.   G45. 

Mr.  Cox.  IhopethattherrodictJou,,finv::  On  the  3d  of  February  Mr.  \AU.AN- 
colleague  will  never  be  fulfilled."  DHJHAM  spoke  at  length  upon  the  "United 

On  the  29th  of  December,  twelve  days  Sl^(>s  N°t<?  Bill"  arid  the  question  of  the 
afterwards,  they  were  surrendered  upon  a  |  Finances  generally.  The  following  arc 
peremptory  demand  and  i:i  the  i'ace  of  a  jcxtracts: 

"  There  is  not  a  member  of  this  house,!  take 
it  for  granted,  who  does  not  desire  and  hope 
and  look  for  an  ultimate,  if  not  speedy  resto- 
ration of  the  Union  of  these  States,  just  as  our 
fathers  made  i  t.  If  there  be  oue  who  does  not , 
no  matter  on  which  side  of  the  House  he  sits, 


threat. 

On  the  7th  of  .January,  186'2,  Mr.  VAL- 
iANDi«rHAM  denounced  the  surrender  in 
strong  terms,  and  was  assailed  personally, 
as  to  his  war  record,  by  John  Hutchin.s, 


of  Ohio,  the  successor  of  Joshua  R.  Gid-  i;HE  UAS   xo   BUSINESS  HERE.     I  have  differed 
•ding*.     In  reply  Mr.  V.  -  i  with  the  administration  as  to  the  means,  an  i 


20 

differ  widelv  still,:but  never  as  to  the  end;  //'secret  tribunal  of-the'  Judicial  Committe^ 
re-nmon,  the  old  Union,  be  indeed  ike  end  I  that  committee  of  which  ho  is  Chairman  aa< 
and  inn-pose  for  which  they  arc  covlendhuj.  \  thus  both  judge  and  "accuser— to  Answer  i 
ttutl  repeat  it,  bankruptcy  is  disunion  and  :  the  charge  of  disloyalty  to  the  Uniou  ! 
disso ution  in  the  worst  form,  and  would  in-  Sir.  I  hurl  back  the  insinuation.  Brin- 
ntly  end  the  war.  the  Government  and  the  j  forward  the  specific  char"*;  wait  till  von  lr>v; 

I  found    something— and  you  will  wait  lorn— 

illy.   Sir,     i     t.io    committee    and    the  !  something  whicn  T  have  written,  or  soinoihi-i 
tase  shall  proceed  upora  the  principles    of  1 1  have  said,  that  would    indicate    anvthin--  i> 
shoe    and    sound   political  economy  which  i  my  bosom  which    lie    who    loves    his  couiitr 
hitherto   observed   by  every  wise  |  ought  not  to    read  "or  hear.     Ineverv    sent! 


rtetf' irt  conformity  with    these    principles,  I  have  had  but  om-    motive,    and  that  was  t'h- 

mended   and  calculated  to  build  u:>  and  !  real,    substantial,     permanent    <*ood    of    nr 

to  8ii*t.-Mu  mo  public  credit  and    good    faith.  :  country.      J  have  differed  with  the  majority  o 

Otherwise,  1  cannot  and  will  not  vote  to  bring    the  House,  differed  with  the    party  in    power 

down    upon  the  wretched  people  of  this  once  '•  diilcred  with  the  Administration,    as,  thani- 

happv  and  prosperous  country,  the  triple  ruin    Cod.  1  do  and  have  a  right  to  differ,  as  to  tin 

f  a  forced  currency,  enormous  taxation,  and  j  best  means  of  preserving  the  Union,    and   o 

a  public  debt  never  to  be  extinguished"  ,  maintaining  the    Constitution    and    securing 

'inOKMAN'S  ATTACK  AND  REPUf>K.  ''  the  true  interests  of  my  country:  and  that,  il 

On  the  19th  of  February,    1862,    John    niy  ofl'ense.  thatlhe  crime  and  the  only  crim* 

Hickuian,  of  Pennsylvania*  offered  a  reso-    0|  wjlicn  1  navo  bee"  guiliy." 

lution,  founded  on  a    "local  item"    nc\vs-        UYct   l  ara  to  be  sinsM  ont  »ow  b7  *-»esc 

paper    attack,    instructing    the   Judiciary  'Ty  n\*n\  ™  ihe"  J1111",0118'  f°r  ,att*ck  ;  anc 

[UTJ  i  they  who  have  waited  and  watched  and  prayed. 

Committee  to  inquire  into  Mr.  VAT.LAN-  j  by  day  and  bv  nicht,  with  the  vigilance  of  the 
PIGHAM  s  Royalty.  Ihe  following  are  :  hawk'nml  the  ferocity  of  the  hyena,  from  the 
extracts  irom  Mr.  V.'s  remarks  on  the  I  beginning  of  this  great  revolt,  that  thev  might 
occasion  :  ;  catch  some  unguarded  remark,  some  idle  word 

"  Y>-<i  thMt  is  -nil.  the  -rand  a^cre^U-  of  the    fp(lkf'n'   soniethi»S  wi;itten  carelessly  or  rash- 
charge,,    except    this'  miserable  '"falsehood      ?'  some  secr«t  tho"ght  groven  jet  upon  the 

.      i         i  !  i  1 1  no  i"*ion  t  c?      r*i     mtr   4cmo      \fhir*n    fno\*    mirrKi    fj^.r_ 

wtneli  some  wretched  scavenger  prowling 
:.bo<-i{-  the  streets  and  alleys  and  gutters  of  (lie 
city  of  Baltimore,  has  scon  fit  to  put  forth  in 
the  local  columns  of  a  contemptible  newspa- 
per; so  that  the  member  from  Pennsylvania 
may  rise  in  his  place  »nd  prefer  charges 
agahiM,  the  loyalty  and  patriotism  of  a  man  ,  ,,  •  , 

who  has  never  faltered  in  his  devotion  to  the  i thls  Hous!'  and  "ee  1°  dl?mfy  !t  Wlth  an  im' 
flag  of  his  country— to  that  fla^  which  h an n-s  P°rtance  demanding  the  consideration  of  the 
now  upon  the  wail  over  againsUiira;  one  who  Hoi:se  and  the  country. 

has  bowed  down  and  worshipped  this  holy  '  ^'r'  'et  tue  member  from  Pennsylvania  go 
emblem  of  the  Constitution  and  of  the  old  !  on-  *  challenge  the  inquire  unworthy  of  no- 
Union  of  these  States,  in  his  heart's  core,  ay,  j  tice  as  tne  charge  is,  but  1  scorn  the  spirit 
in  his  very  heart  of  hearts,  from  the  time  lie  wnif4Q  nfts  provoked  it.  Let  it  go  on." 

Sifcl*^!  rfffht  ^thi\8!5OUI?i  a?d   Wh°  n°W^      Tklr-  Hickman  then  replied  briefly,   an-l 

rtr^e^ott^^ 

glorious  banner  of  the  Union— known  and  i  "As  the  gentleman  has  called  upon  me,  I 
honored  once  over  t-he  whole  earth  and  the  !  will  answer  further.  Does  he  not  know  of  a 
whole  sea— with  no  stripe  erased,  and  not  one  crftnp  in  Kentucky  having  been  called  by  his 
star  blotted  out,  floating  forever  over  the  free, !  name— that  disloyal  men  there  called  "their 
united,  harmonious  old  Union  of  every  State  i  camp  Camp  Vallandigham?  That  would  not 
once  a  part  of  it,  and  a  hundred  more  yet  un-l  indicate  that  in  Kentucky  they  regarded  him 
born.  I  AM  THAT  MAN  ;  and  yet  he  dares  to  i  as  a  man  loyal  to  the  Federal  Union, 
demand  that  I  shall  be  brought  up  before  the'  "Mr.  Vallandigham.  Is  there  not  a  town 


lineaments  of  my  face,  which  they  mi^ht  toi- 
ture  into  evidence  of  disloyalty,  seize  LOW  up- 
on the  foul  and  infectious  gleanings  of  ai» 
anonymous  wretch  who  earns  a  precarious  sub- 
sistence by  feeding  the  local  columns  of  a  pes- 
tilent, newspaper,  and  while  it  is  yet  wet  from 
the  press,  hurry  it,  reekinjr  with  falsehood,  into 


21 


and  it  may  be  a  camp,  too,  in  Kentucky  by  the 
name  of  Hickman?     [Laughter.]" 

Mr.  Hickman,  after  a  few  words  further, 
withdrew  his  resolution,  and  the  matter 
ended. 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

On  the  llth  of  April,  Mr.  VALLANDIG- 
HAM spoke  and  voted  against  the  hill  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia. The  following  is  an  extract  from  his 


remarks 

Had  I  no    other  one,  I  am 


The  Chairman.  The  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania will  take  his  seat. 

Mr.  Vallandigham.  He  is  entitled  to  no 
courtesy  from  me." 

BEN  WADE'S  ATTACK  AND    REPULSK. 

On  the  21st  of  April,  1862.  Benjamin 
F.  Wade,  of  Ohio,  whom  John  A.  Gurley 
declared  to  be  "a  good  combination  of  Old 
Hickory  and  Zack  Taylor,"  attacked  Mr. 
Vallandigham  in  the  Senate  in  the  follow 


because  I  regard  all  this  class  of  legislation  as 
tending  to  prevent  a  restoration  of  the  Union 
of  these  States  as  it  was,  and  that  is  the  grand 
object  to  which  I  look.  I  know  well  that  in 
a  very  little  while  the  question  will  be  between 
the  old  Union  of  these  States  —  the  Union  as 
our  fathers  made  it  —  and  some  new  one,  or 
some  new  unity  of  government,  or  eternal  sep- 
aration—disunion. To  both  these  latter  I  am 
unalterably  and  unconditionally  opposed.  It 
is  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union  as  it  was  in 
1789,  and  continued  for  over  seventy  years, 
that  I  am  bound  to  the  last  hour  of  my  politi- 
cal ^and  personal  existence,  if  it  be  within  the 
limits  of  possibility  to  restore  and  maintain 
that  Union." 

JOHN  COVODE'S  ATTACK  AND   REPULSE 

On  the  16th  of  April,  1862,  John  Co- 
vode,  of  Pennsylvania,  attacked  Mr.  VAL- 
LANDIGHAM  in  the  usual  style,  with  covert 
insinuations  of  "treason,"  "secession  svm- 


ing  language: 
opposed  to  it,  I      "I  accuse  them 


[the  Democratic  party] 


deliberate  purpose    to  asaail,   through  the  ju- 
dicial tribunals    and   through  the  Senate  and 
House   of    Representatives    of    the    Ui 
State?,  and  everywhere  else,    and  to  overawe 
intimidate,    and   trample    under  foot,  if  they 
can,  the  men  who  boldly  stand  forth  in  def 
of  their  country,  now  imperiled  by  this  gigan- 


tic rebellion.       I  have 
have  seen  it  in  secret. 


watched    it    Ion . 

I  have  seen  its  move- 


ments ever  since  that  party  got  together,  with 


a  colleague  of  mine    in   the 
chairman  of  the  committee 


other   House  ES 
on  resolutions — 


a  man  who  never  had  any  sympathy  with  the 
Republic,  but  whose  every  breath  is  devoted 
to  its  destruction,  just  as  far  as  his  heart 
dare  permit  him  to  go.11 — Congressional 
Globe,  page  1735. 

Quoting  the  foregoing  extract,  in  the 
House,  on  the  24th  of  April,  Mr.  Vallan- 
digham said: 

"Now,  sir,  here   in  my  place  in  the  House, 


no+"kTT  "     Jt  n       m,     f  11  "  XIU»TJ  on,  ucic    in  my  ijiitue  m    me  noiise, 

pathy       <fec.     The  iollowmg  is  an  extract  and  as  a  Representative,   I  denounce-and  I 
from  the  colloquy  on  the  occasion:  speak  it  advisedly— the  author  of  that  speech 

Mr.  Vallandigham.     Mr.    Chaiman,  I  have   as  a  liar,    a  scoundrel,    and  a  coward.     His 
the  floor  ;  and  iM  had  not,  I   would   call  tfap    name  is  Benjaman  F.  Wade." 

MB.  BLAKE'S  ATTACK  AND  REPULSE. 

On  the  same  day,  Harrison  G.  Blake,  of 


member  from  Pennsylvania  to*  order.  If 
stealing  is  a  part  of  the  business  of  the  Ad- 
ministration, and  it  is  treason  to  inquire  into 
it,  then  this  is  treason,  and  it  is  the  only 
treason  1  have  been  guilty  of.  When  did 
that  become  treason  ? 

Mr.  Covode.     I  want  to  say  jast  this — 

Mr.  Vallandigham.  Mr.  Chairman,  lam 
upon  the  floor  and  do  not  yield  to  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania,  nor  will  I  yield  to 
him  until  he  learns  manners  and  decency 
enough  to  deal  with  gentlemen  in  this  House 
as  its  rules  and  decorum  require.  He  is  en- 
titled to  no  courtesy  from  me. 

Mr.  Covode.     Mr.   Chairman.    I 
made  myself  understood. 

Mr.  Vallandigham.  I  decline  to  yield  ex- 
cept to  the  gentleman  from  New  York.  (Mr. 
Odell.) 

Mr.  Covode.     I  say,  sir — 

Mr.  Valiandigham.  I  call  the  member 
from  Pennsjlvania  to  order. 


thought  I 


Ohio,  attacked  Mr.  Vallandigham  and  de- 
fended Ben  Wade.  The  following  are  his 
concluding  remarks  and  Mr.  V.'s  reply: 

Mr.  Blake.  The  Senator  from  Ohio  is  too 
well  known  in  my  own  State  and  in  the  United 
States,  and  my  colleague  is  too  well  known, 
to  make  it  necessary  to  answer  any  declara- 
tion coming  from  my  colleague.  1  repeat, 
they  are  both  known  to  the  people  of  that 
State,  they  are  both  known  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  I  am  willing  to  let 
them  stand  upon  their  own  record  for  their 
own  defense. 

Mr.  Vallandigham.  I  am  known,  sir,  in 
the  State  of  Ohio,  having  somewhat  the  ad- 
vantage of  my  colleague  in  that  respect  I 
am  known  to  the  people  of  my  own  city  also, 
and  I  take  occasion  to  say  that  on  the  7th  of 
the  present  month  the  issue  was  there  made 


22 


at  the  polls  whether  I  should  be  indorsed  as  a 
public  man  and  a  public  servant,  in  my  pub- 
lic conduct  here  and  elsewhere,  and  the 
verdict  of  the  people  of  that  city  upon  that 
direct  issue  was  returned  in  my  favor  in  the 
persons  of  my  friends,  by  a  majority  of  one 
one  hundred  and  forty-eight,  being  a  change 
since  last  October  of  six  hundred  and  forty 
votes.  A  convention  was  held  in  Dayton, 
where  I  reside,  by  the  party  to  which  my  col- 
league now  belongs,  a  combination  or  fusion 
of  Republicans,  and  other  elements  of  a 
mixed  character,  opposed  now  to  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  This  regularly  called  city  con- 
vention, in  nominating  its  candidates,  adopt- 
ed a  platform  containing  but  a  single  point. 
It  was  extraordinary,  Sir,  indeed,  that  such  a 
platform  should  have  been  made,  forgetting 
the  high  purposes  of  an  election,  and  contain 
ing  but  a  single  issue,  and  that  merely  per- 
sonal to  a  fellow-citizen,  appealing  to  the 
people  of  that  city  to  vote  for  candidates 
solely  on  that  personal  issue.  The  platform 
was  in  these  words  : 

"  Resolved,  That  we  will  take  the  occasion 
of  our  ensuing  citv  election  to  make  it  known 
to  all  men  that  the  city  of  Dayton  REPUDIATES 
CLEMENT  L.  VALLANDIGHAM  and  his  organ,  the 
Dayton  Empire,  and  REBUKES  them  for  their 
refusal  to  support  the  Government  in  the 
death  struggle  with  treason;  and  to  the  end 
that  this  rebuke  may  be  made  the  more  em- 
phatic, we  call  upon  all  loyal  mon,  without 
respect  to  party,  to  vote  for  the  Union  AXTI- 
VALLAKDIGHAM,  anti-Empire  ticket  this  day 
nominated. 

Sir,  that  direct  issue  thus  proffered  was 
openly,  flatly,  and  boldly  accepted  by  my 
friend's,  and  after  a  violent  contest  of  three 
weeks,  the  election  resulted  in  the  suc- 
cess of  the  entire  Democratic  ticket,  from 
mayor  down,  upon  the  sole  question,  by  an 
average  majority  of  some  two  hundred, 
against  four  hundred  and  ninety-two  fusion 
majority  at  the  State  election  last  fall.  The 
issue  was  indeed  unworthy  even  of  a  munici- 
pal election,  and  it  is  not  fit  that  it  should  be 
named  here,  except  in  reply  to  the  member 
from  Ohio.  That',  Sir,  is  all  that  I  have  to 
say  in  regard  to  it." 
HUTCHINS'  SECOND  ATTACK  AND  REPULSE. 

On  the  same  day,  somewhat  later,  John 
Hutchins  moved  a  preamble  and  resolution 
censuring  Mr.  Vallandigham  for  the  lan- 
guage applied  by  him  to  Wade. 

Mr.  Vallandigham  objected  that  under 
the  sixty-second  rule  of  the  House,  the 
words  exccpted  to  must  be  reduced  to  wri- 
ting at  the  moment  at  the  Clerk's  desk, 
and  that  after  other  business  had  inter- 


vened, it  is  too  late  to  move  for  the  cen- 
sure of  the  member  complained  of.  The 
Speaker  sustained  the  objection  and  ruled 
the  resolution  out.  So  Mr.  Vallandigham 
"retired  in  good  order"  on  a  point  of  or- 
der: and  never  was  pursued  afterwards  in 
debate,  by  any  one  during  the  residue  of 
the  session. 

NEW    TACTICS  — GURLEY    AND    SHELLABAU- 
GEB'3  ATTACK  AflD  REPULSE 

In  June,  1862,  Shellabarger  and  Gur- 

ley,  of  Ohio,  the  one  slightly  non  compos 

I  and  the  other  notorious  for  his  "ox-tail  ad- 

!  venture"  at  Bull  Run,  presented  printed  pe- 

|  titions/rowi  citizens  of  their  own  Districts, 

\  none  from  Mr.  Vallandigham 's,  asking  for 

!  his  expulsion  from  the  House  as  "a  traitor 

and  a  disgrace  to  the  State  of  Ohio."  The 

petitions  were  referred  to  the  Committee. 

on  the  Judiciary,  consisting  of  the  follow- 

I  ing    members :     John    Hickman,    chair- 

!  man,  John   A.   Bingharn,    William   Kel- 

|  logg,    Albert    G.   Porter,    Benjamin   F. 

|  Thomas,  Alexander  S.  Diven,   James    F. 

!  Wilson,  George  H.  Pendleton,  and  Henry 

!  May;  all  of  them  Republicans  except  May 

!  and  Pendleton.     This  Committee,  on   the 

very  same  day  on  which  the  petitions  were 

I  presented,  by  a  unanimous    vote   ordered 

1  them  to  be  reported  back    and  laid  upon 

!  the  table;  and  accordingly  on  the  first  day 

!  that  the  Committee  was   called,   July  3r 

|  1862,  Mr.  Bingham  reported   them   back, 

and    on   his      motion    they  ivere    laid  on 

Ithe  table,    no  evidence  whatever  of  either 

i  "treason"  or  "disgrace,"  having  been  pro- 

i  duced  to  the  Committee.     And  there  they 

"lie"  now. —  Cong.  Globe,  p.  3105. 

Such  was  the  anxiety  and  determination 
of  the  Abolitionists  in  Congress  to  get  rid 
of  Mr.  Vallandigham.  Seven  times  in 
the  last  session,  he  was  attacked,  and  sev- 
en times  "  the  enemy  was  repulsed  with 
great  slaughter." 

NO.  XVII. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  ADDRESS. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  1 862,  fifteen  Dem- 
ocratic members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives at  Washington,  signed  and  is- 
sued an  "Address"  to  the  Democracy  of 
the  United  States.  Not  dead  but  sleeping, 
the  Democratic  party  sprang  from  its 
slumbers,  and  responded  nobly  to  the  call^ 


23 


It  first  made  prominent  to  the  country  that 
magic  rallying  cry,  now  every  where  heard 
— "The  Constitution  as  it  is  and  the  Union 
a,s  it  was/* 

Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM  was  one  of  the  sign- 
ers. The  following  is  an  extract: 

"For  sixty  years  from  the  inauguration  of 
Jefferson  on  the  4th  of  March,  1801,  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  with  short  intervals,  controlled 
the  power  and  the  policy  of  the  Federal  Gov 
eminent.  For  forty-eight  years  out  of  these 
sixty,  Democratic  men  ruled  the  country;  for 
forty-four  years  and  eight  months  the  Demo- 
cratic policy  prevKilpd.  Daring  this  period 
Louisiana,  Florida,  Texsis,  New  Mexico,  and 
California  were  successively  annexed  to  our 
territory,  with  an  area  more  than  twice  as  large 
as  all  the  original  Thirteen  States  together. — 
Seventeen  new  States  were  admitted  under 
strictly  Democratic  administrations — one  un- 
der the  Administration  of  Fillmore.  From 
five  millions,  the  population  increased  to  thir- 
ty-one millions  The  Revolutionary  debt,  wa6! 
extinguished.  Two  foreign  wars  were  success- 
fully prosecuted,  with  a  moderate  outlay  and 
a  sma.Ii  army  and  navy,  and  without  the  sus- 
pension of  the  habeas  corpus;  without,  one  in- 
fraction of  the  Constitution;  without  one  usur- 
pation of  power;  without  suppressing  a  single 
newspaper;  without  imprisoning  a  single  edi 
tor;  without  limit  to  the  freedom  of  the  press, 
or  of  speech  in  or  out  of  Congress,  but  in  the 
midst  of  the  grossest  abuse  of  both;  and  with 
out  the  arrest  of  a  single  "traitor,"  though 
the  HARTFQBD  CONVENTION  sat  during  one  of 
the  wars,  and  in  the  other  Senators  irvited  the 
enemy  to  "GREET  OUR  VOLUNTEERS  WITH  BLOODY 

HAXr»S  AND  WKI.COMK  THEM  TO  HOSPITABLE 
CttAVES." 

During  all  this  time  wealth  increased,  busi- 
ness of  all  kinds  multiplied;  prosperity  &miled 
"n  every  side;  taxes  were  low;  wages  were 
high:  the  North  and  the  S'Mith  furnished  a 
market  for  each  other's  products  at  good  pri- 
ces; public  liberty  was  secure;  private  rights 
undisturbed;  every  man's  house  was  his  castle; 
'.he  courts  were  open  to  all;  no  pasports  for 
travel;  no  secret  police;  no  spies,  no  inform- 
ers: no  bastiles;  the  right  to  assemble  peacea- 
bly: the  right  to  petition;  freedom  of  religion, 
freedom  of  speech,  a  free  ballot,  and  a  free 
press;  and  all  this  time  the  Constitution  main- 
tained and  the  Union  of  the  States  preserved." 

NO.   XVIII. 

THE  COLUMBUS  CONVENTION. 

On  ths  4th  of  July,  1862,  Mr.  Vallan- 
digham  addresse  1  the  Great  Democratic 
State  Convention,  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio. 


His  speech  was  mainly  devoted  to  a  defi- 
ance of  the  threats  of  suppressing  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  by  force,  and  a  denunciation 
of  the  usurpations  of  power  and  violations 
of  the  Constitution  by  the  Administra- 
tion, especially  in  the  matter  of  the  free- 
dom of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  of  il  - 
legal  and  arbitrary  arrests.  The  following 
is  an  extract: 

"Talk  to  me  about  sympathizing  with  dis- 
union, with  treason  and  traitors!  I  tell  you, 
men  of  Ohio,  that  in  six  months,  in  three 
months,  in  six  weeks  it  may  be,  these  very 
men  and  their  masters  in  Washington  whose 
bidding  they  do,  will  be  the  advocates  of  the 
eternal"  dissolution  of  this  Union;  and  de- 
nounce ail  who  oppose  it  as  enemies  to  the 
peace  of  the  ccuntry.  Foreign  intervention 
and  the  repeated  and  most  serious  disasters 
which  have  lately  befallen  our  arms,  wiU  spee- 
dily force  the  issue  of  separation  and  South- 
ern independence — disunion — or  of  Union  by 
negotiation  and  compromise.  Between  these 
two  I  am—and  I  here  publicly  proclaim  it-— 
for  the  Union,  the  whole  Union  and  nothing 
less,  if  by  any  possibility  I  can  have  it,  it  riot, 
then  for  so  much  of  it  as  yet  can  be  rescued 
and  preserved;  and  in  any  event  and  under 
all  circumstances,  for  the  Union  which  God 
ordained,  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  all 
which  may  cling  to  it,  under  the  old  name, 
the  old  Constitution  and  the  old  Flag,  with  all 
their  precious  memories,  with  the  battle  fields 
of  the  past  and  the  songs  and  the  proud  histo- 
ry of  the  past — with  the  birth  place  and  the 
burial-place  of  Washington  the  founder  and 
Jackson  the  preserver  of  the  Cor  s'itution  as 
it  is  and  of  the  Union  as  it  was.  [Great  Ap- 
plause.] 

NO.  XIX. 

THK     PAYTON    SPEECH. 

On  the  2d  of  August,  1862,  Mr.  \al- 
landigham  addressed  an  immense  meeting 
of  the  citizens  of  Montgomery  county  up- 
on the  state  of  the  country. 

It  was  in  the  very  height  of  the  "Reign 
of  Terror"  and  wi'll  be  long  remembered. 
It  was  a  solemn  defence  of  the  personal 
and  political  liberty  of  the  citizen,  and  of 
constitutions,  law  and  order.  The  follow- 
ing are  extracts  : 

The  President  professes  to  think  that  the 
Union  can  be  restored  by  arms.  I  do  not.  A 
Union  founded  on  consent  can  never  be  ce- 
mented by  force.  This  is  the  testimony  of 
the  Fathers.  It  was  his  own  He  said  ia  his 
Inaugural,  but  sixteen  months  ago: 


24 


"Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always; 
and  when,  after  mueA  loss  onboth  :&le$,  arvl  no  gain  "on 
wther,  you  cease  fighting,  the  old  identical  questions  HS 
to  terms  of  intercourse  are  upon  you." 

I  agree  with  him  in  that.  But  row  we 
jtire  in  the  midst  of  war,  and  they  who  really 
think  that  war  will  maintain  the  Constitution 
and  restore  the  Union,  ought  to  fight.  I  am 
for  the  Union  in  any  event.  It  is  an  impelling 
necessity,  it  is  manifest  destiny,  certainly  in 
the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  that  we  be  one 
people.  We  never  can  fulfill  the  Great  Mis- 
sion appointed  for  us,  without  it. 

And  now,  Men  of  Montgomery,  I  have 
somewhat  to  say  upon  what  Mr.  Lincoln,  in 
his  late  proclamation,  has  mo^t  justly  and 
truly  called  "this  unnecessary  and  injurious 
CIVIL  WAR."  I  arn  for  suppressing  rebellion: 
I  am.  I  always  have  been.  Perhaps  my 
mode  is  not  that  oi  other  men;  but  I  have  the 
right  and  mean  to  exercise  it  still,  of  judging 
for  myself  r.f  the  true  and  proper  mode  I 
think  mine  would  have  prevented  it  at  first, 
nod  even  after  it  began,  would  have  ended  it 
long  since.  It  nui-t,  ir  will  he  tried  at  last. 
if  ever  any  thing  is  to  be  accomplished.  But 
I  have  had  no  power  to  try  it  They  who 
have  the  power  have  determined  upon  another 
way — with  what  success,  judge  ye — and  like  a 
pood  citizen,  I  resist  not,  but  stand  by  to  see 
the  result  of  the  experiment. 

[   repeat  it:  /  am  for  suppressing  a>'i  rebel- 
lion— both  rebellions.      T  here  are    two  —  the 
Secession  JRebeUi.cn  Font/i,  and  the  Abolition 
Rebellion  North  am}    West.     I    am    against 
i'Oth;   for  putting  dc-w>    both      Since  you  have 
r^sohed  that,  there  shall  be  war,  I  commit  the 
j-rmed  Rebellion  South,  to  the   soldiers  of  the 
Army,    three-fourth     cf     them     Democrat?. 
ig    Democrat?       ;   K  rnrnit  it  TO  Halieck. 
und  Bufli,  and    KUL  !,Mde,  and  other?;  and  to 
that  abused,  persecuted,  outraged  general  and 
vatrlot,  George  B    MeOkllan.     (Great  cheer 
If  he  car.  .not  do  it,  it  is  because  in  the 
re  of  things,  it  is  not    possible  that  it  be 
in  that  war 


I  have  said  that 
-,  mn  judgment  wa 


n    my 
canno 


deliberate  and  sol- 


restore  the.  Union, 

:ut,  if  continued  long  enough,  must  destroy  it, 
and  it  may  be  our  own  liberties  .also.  "War," 
<aid  Douglas,  "is  disunion;  war  is  final,  eter 
'  al  separation."  The  Administration  do  not 
36 era  to  think  so.  The  country  just  now 
does  not.  think  so.  Mr.  Lincoln  says  that  war 
13  the  right  way  to  restore  the  Union.  1  think 
there  is  another,  a  better,  the  only  way  to  <jlo 
it.  He  has  the  power  to  try  his.  I  have  not 
War  is  upon  ns;  and  from  the  beginning,  be- 
I ievin<j  as  I  did  and  yet  powerless  for  good.  I 
laid  down  the  rule  for  myself,  and  have  faith 
fully  adhered  to  it,  and  will  to  the  end,  neither 
to  vote  for  or  against  any  purely  war  measure 


1863 

of  the  Administration.     Wherever  I  have  voted 
upon  any  question,  my    course  has  been  gov- 
erned by  other  considerations  than  those  hav- 
ing  reference  to   my  opinions    on    the  war. 
"And  now,  men  of  Montgomery,  if  you  de- 
sire that  the  rebellion    at    the    South  shall  be 
suppressed,  that  the  Confederate  armies  shall 
dissolved,  and    that   the  Constitution  shall 
be  maintained,    the    Union    restored,  and  all 
aws  obeyed,  unite  with  me  at   the  ballot  box 
n  speedily  and  forever   crushing  out  the  exe- 
?rabta    Abolition  rebellion   in    the  North  and 
West      Whoever   feels    it    his  duty  to    fight 
armed  rebels   at    the  South,  let  him  enlist  at 
~>nce,  leth'ra  not  buy  up  a.   substitute  but  go 
limself.     Whoever  remains   at  home,  it  is  his 
duty  to  join  with  me  against   Abolition  rebels 
in  our  midst,     This  is  loyalty;  this  is  fidelity 
to  the  Union. 

RTB  NOMINATED  FOR  CONGRESS. 

On  the  4th  of  September,  1862,  Mr. 
Vallandigham  was,  for  the  -sixth  time  nom- 
inated iOY  Congress — unanimously  thi^ 
time,  as  also  on  every  previous  occasion, 
xcept  the  fh>t,  when  he  was  nominated  by 
a  two-thirds  vote  on  the  first  ball ot.  The 
district  had  been  changed  with  a  view  of 
making  it  largely  Republican.  But  Mr. 
V.,  saying  that  in  his  judgment  "the  vin- 
dication of  Democratic  principles  and  the 
Democratic  cause,  especially  at  this  time, 
was  of  far  more  importance  than  mere  suc- 
cess in  any  election,"  would  not  decline. 
The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  "Ad- 
diess  to  the  De:aocrats  and  other  Loyal 
Union  Men -of  the  Third  District  of  Ohio," 
presented  by  him  upon  accepting  the  nom- 
ination: 

At  your  demand,  therefore,  Men  of  the 
Third  District,  1  accept  the  nomination,  and 
present  myself  to  the  people  for  their  suffrages, 
upon  no  other  platform  than 
The  Constitution  as  it  is  and  the  Union  as  it 
was. 

It  is  a  platform  broad  enough  for  every  pa- 
triot. Whoever  is  for  it,  I  ask  his  support. 
Whoever  is  against  it,  I  would  not  have  his 
vote.  Every  faculty  of  body  and  mind  which 
I  possess,  shall  be  exerted  unremittingly  for 
the  urear.  purpose  implied  in  this  platform 

Such  is  Mr.  VALLANDIGHAM' s  RESCORD 
during  fifteen  years  of  public  service  and 
private  life  in  the  most  momsntuous  pe- 
riod of  our  conn  try 'a  history.  Let  every 
honest,  candid  man  read,  ponder  ami  judge 
of  it  1'or  himself. 


Hollinger  Corp. 
pH8.5 


